VIRGINIA.-John Tyler, Sherwood Forest; William C. Rives; John W. Brockenbrough, Lexington; George W. Summers, Kanawha C. H.; James A. Seddon, Goochland.

NORTH CAROLINA.-George Davis, Wilmington; Thomas Ruffin, Graham; David S. Reid, Pleasantville: D. M. Barringer, Raleigh; J. M. Morehead, Greenboro'.

TENNESSEE.-Samuel Milligan, Greenville; Josiah M. Anderson, Walnut Valley; Robert L. Carruthers, Lebanon; Thomas Martin, Pulaski; Isaac R. Hawkins, Huntington; A. W. O. Totten, Jackson; R. J. McKinney, Knoxville; Alvin Cullom, Livingston; William P. Hickerson, Manchester; George W. Jones, Fayetteville; F. K. Zollicoffer, Nashville; William H. Stephens, Jackson.

KENTUCKY.-William O. Butler, Carrollton; James B. Clay, Ashland; Joshua F. Bell, Danville; Charles S. Morehead, Louisville; James Guthrie, Louisville; Charles A. Wickliffe, Bardstown.

MISSOURI.-John D. Coalter, St. Louis; Alexander W. Doniphan, Liberty; Waldo P. Johnson, Osceolo; Aylett H. Buckner, Bowling Green; Harrison Hough, Charleston.

OHIO.-Salmon P. Chase, Columbus; William S. Groesbeck, Cincinnati ; Franklin T. Backus, Cleveland; Reuben Hitchcock, Cleveland; Thomas Ewing, Lancaster; V. B. Horton, Pomeroy; C. P. Wolcott, Akron.

INDIANA.-Caleb B. Smith, Indianapolis; Pleasant A. Hackleman, Rushville; Godlove S. Orth, Lafayette; E. W. H. Ellis, Goshen; Thomas C. Slaughter, Corydon.

ILLINOIS.-John Wood, Quincy; Stephen T. Logan, Springfield; John M. Palmer, Carlinville; Burton C. Cook, Ottowa; Thomas J. Turner, Freeport.

IOWA.-James Harlan, Mt. Pleasant; James W. Grimes, Burlington; Samuel H. Curtis, Keokuk; William Vandever, Dubuque.

KANSAS.-Thomas Ewing, jr., Leavenworth; J. C. Stone, Leavenworth; H. J. Adams, Leavenworth; M. F. Conway, Lawrence.

No. III.

In the United States Senate, February 27th, 1861, while the Army Appropriation bill was under consideration, proceedings relating to the Peace Conference were opened as follows:

Mr. POWELL:-Is it in order to move to postpone this bill and take up another?

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The Chair believes it is in order.

Mr. POWELL:- -I move to postpone the Army bill for the

purpose of taking up the resolutions to amend the Constitution proposed by my colleague. For several weeks Senators have declined to make an effort to call up the propositions of my colleague, for the reason that certain Peace Commissioners were in session in this capital, convened at the call of the State of Virginia. I am confident now that that Commission, or Peace Congress, or Conference, or whatever you may call it, will not accomplish any thing. Indeed, certain facts have fallen under my notice, that cause me to believe that it has been the fixed purpose of certain Republicans that that Conference should not accomplish any thing. I believe, sir, that certain commissioners from States of this Union have been brought into that Conference for the purpose of preventing them from agreeing on any thing. I have thought that for some time past. A friend sent to me yesterday the Detroit Free Press, containing two letters from the distinguished Senators from the State of Michigan to their Governor, which, I think, clearly and fully establish the fact that the Republicans, a portion of them at least, instead of sending commissioners to that Conference with a view to inaugurate something that would compromise the difficulties by which we are surrounded, and save this country from ruin, have absolutely been engaged in the work of sending delegates there to prevent that commission from doing any thing. I send this paper to the desk, and ask the Secretary to read these letters.

The Secretary read as follows:

WASHINGTON, February 15th, 1861. DEAR SIR: When Virginia proposed a Convention in Washington, in reference to the disturbed condition of the country, I regarded it as another effort to debauch the public mind, and a step toward obtaining that concession which the imperious slave power so insolently demands. I have no doubt at present but that was the design. I was therefore pleased that the Legislature of Michigan was not disposed to put herself in a position to be controlled by such influences.

The Convention has met here, and within a few days the aspect of things has materially changed. Every free State, I think, except Michigan and Wisconsin, is represented; and we have been assured by friends upon whom we can rely, that if those two States should send delegations of true, unflinching men, there would probably be a majority in favor of the Constitution as it is, who would frown down rebellion by the enforcement of laws. These friends have urged us to recommend the appointment of delegates from our State; and, in compliance with their request, Mr. CHANDLER and myself telegraphed to you last night. It cannot be doubted that the recommendations of this Convention will have a very considerable influence upon the public mind, and upon the action of Congress.

I have a great disinclination to any interference with what should properly

be submitted to the wisdom and discretion of the Legislature, in which I place great reliance; but I hope I shall be pardoned for suggesting that it may be justifiable and proper, by any honorable means, to avert the lasting disgrace which will attach to a free people who, by the peaceful exercise of the ballot, have just released themselves from the tyranny of slavery, if they should now succumb to treasonable threats, and again submit to a degrading thraldom. If it should be deemed proper to send delegates, I think, if they could be here by the 20th, it would be in time.

I have the honor, with much respect, to be truly yours,

To his Excellency Governor BLAIR.

K. S. BINGHAM.

Mr. FESSENDEN :-I submit whether it is in order to go into a discussion on this motion. If so, I suppose this must be regarded as a part of the speech.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The Chair understood the discussion to be in order. It was certainly not objected to at the time the Senator commenced.

Mr. FESSENDEN :-It is not too late to raise the point.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The motion is to lay aside one bill and take up other business; and the Chair understood the Senator from Kentucky to be giving his reasons why he wished that to be done. Mr. FESSENDEN :-If it is in order, of course I cannot object to it; but I raise that question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The Senator from Maine raises the question whether this debate is in order.

Mr. POWELL:-There was no objection to my proceeding, and I suppose I have a right to go on. I wish the letters read as part of my speech.

Mr. FESSENDEN :-There is no objection to reading them.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The Chair has decided that the Senator from Kentucky is in order.

Mr. POWELL:-I have not yielded, except for the purpose of reading these letters.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-Is an appeal taken from the decision of the Chair?

Mr. FESSENDEN :-I take no appeal.
The Secretary read as follows:

WASHINGTON, February 11th, 1861. MY DEAR GOVERNOR: Governor BINGHAM and myself telegraphed you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right and that they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island

are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-backed men, or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, and will end in thin smoke. Still, I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren, that you will send the delegates.

His Excellency AUSTIN BLAIR.

Truly your friend,

Z. CHANDLER.

P. S.-Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a rush.

Mr. POWELL:-I think it evident from these letters, that there is, and has been, a fixed purpose in certain quarters, that the Peace Conference should do nothing. Indeed, it seems, from the letter of the Senator from Michigan [Mr. CHANDLER], that while he opposed any Republican State going into this Conference, yet, as some of them were there, and Indiana, and Illinois, and Ohio, and Rhode Island were about to cave in, on the advice of Massachusetts and New York he asked Michigan to come in and relieve them, and save the Republican party from rupture. Is it possible that the Republican party is to be saved, even if the Union be destroyed? It is very evident that those "stiff-backed" gentlemen were to be sent here in order to prevent any compromise being presented. The object, then, as I stated, on the part of certain members on the other side of the Chamber, has been to send delegates to the Conference for the purpose of preventing any compromise measures being proposed by that body. They desire, in the language of these letters, to save their party from destruction. They say that if the Conference should agree on any thing, it would have a demoralizing effect upon the people, and upon the two Houses of Congress. In one word, it will have the effect to make a rupture in the Republican party, which, in the estimation of the Senators, is higher, holier, and better, it seems, than the Union.

In consequence of this fact being apparent, that it is not the design or the intention that the Peace Conference should do any thing, I think we should not wait for it any longer, but the Senate should proceed at once to the consideration of the amendments to the Constitution proposed by my colleague. I think we had better be engaged in that work -one that is calculated, if the propositions of my colleague should pass, in my opinion, to save the country from further disintegration. I think we had better be at that, than be appropriating money to support an Army that is to be engaged, it seems, in the work of blood-letting.

The Senator from Michigan thinks the Government is not worth a rush until it shall have drawn a little blood. I hope my motion will prevail, and that we shall lay this bill aside and proceed to the consideration of the measures proposed by my colleague.

Mr. CHANDLER:-The Senator from Kentucky has read what purports to be a short note that I sent the other day to the Governor of Michigan. Whether it is a correct copy or not, I cannot say; I kept no copy of it, nor do I care.

Mr. POWELL:-If the Senator will allow me one word, I will state to the Senate that, when I received this paper, yesterday—

Mr. CHANDLER:-I was about to state that.

Mr. POWELL:-I asked both the Senators if the letters were right. They told me they kept no copies, but they believed they were substantially so.

Mr. CHANDLER:-I was going to say that. Now, sir, I desire to answer the Senator from Kentucky, and to set myself right on this question-(my position from the first has been well known upon this question, and upon most others)-but, at the earnest solicitation of the Senator from Maine, who has charge of this bill, I will forego the response which I intended to make, and which I shall make to the Senator from Kentucky, for the present, for the purpose of going on and disposing of the Army appropriation bill. At another day I propose to give my views more at large upon these compromise measures, that the Senator from Kentucky seems so anxious to take up at this time. I am as anxious as he is to go into that discussion. I am anxious to go into it. It is a question that ought to be discussed. It is a question in which the people of Michigan take a deep interest. They are opposed to all compromises; they do not believe that any compromise is necessary; nor do I. They are prepared to stand by the Constitution of the United States as it is; to stand by the Government as it is; ay, sir, to stand by it to blood, if necessary.

Mr. POWELL:-I ask for the yeas and nays on my motion.
The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. MASON:-I ask the general permission of the Senate to give notice that at three o'clock I shall move to go into executive session; and if it is not agreed to, I shall then ask that the galleries may be cleared, for the purpose of disclosing what I consider ought to be passed on in executive session.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee :-If I can obtain the attention of the Senator from Kentucky, I wish to make a suggestion. Those resolutions, as I understood, went over until last Monday at one o'clock,