Republicanism" in regard to foreign
nations, 107; instructions to Mr.
Pinckney, 107; his views of the
French Revolution, 108, 109; Repub-
licans oppose his retirement from the
Cabinet, 110; his reaso... for desiring
to retire, 110-112; the perpetual con-
flict in the Cabinet, 111;, reasons
which finally induced him not to retire,
112, 113; refuses a coalition with
Hamilton urged by the President, 114,
115; interview with Washington on
French affairs, 117, 118; his views on
the defeat of the resolution censuring
Hamilton, 119; his views as to re-
ceiving Genet, etc., 121, 122; his suc-
cessful opposition to a proclamation
of neutrality, 123; declares he will
not remove Freneau, 125, 126; drafts
instructions to Morris to respect the
de facto government of France, 126;
describes the feelings of Cabinet on
Genet's arrival in Philadelphia, 129;
applauds Washington's course, 129;
answer's Hammond's complaints, 135,
136; Cabinet opinion on restitution
of prizes made by French privateers
fitted out in U. S., 137; his draft of
Spanish instructions, 143-145; his
perfect understanding with Washing-
ton on foreign affairs, 147, 148; his
demand on the English minister, 148;
official correspondence with Genet,
151-156; interview with, concerning
the Little Democrat, 158-160; his
opinion against firing on that vessel,
161-163; his views of Genet and his
conduct, 157, 159, 169, 185, 188, 201;
receives warm note from Washington,
169; his reply, 170; his course ap-
proved by Washington, 171; drafts
Spanish instructions, 173; offers his
resignation, 175; Cabinet opinions on
demanding Genet's recall and on con-
vening Congress, 175, 176; dissuaded
by Washington from resigning, 177-
179; consents to remain through the
year, 180; letter from Washington
thereon, 180; his draft of letter asking
recall of Genet, 180-182; Cabinet
opinions, 186-188; draft of English
instructions, 189; apprises Genet of
demand for his recall, 190; visits
home, 191; family correspondence,
191, 192; Cabinet opinion on Presi-
dent's power to change place of meet-
ing of Congress, 193; on ordering
Genet away, 201, 203; on the mes-
sages to be made to Congress, 202; on
drafts of messages, 205–208; his drafts
of messages on the subject of France
and England, 207; his share in draft-

ing papers for the President, why
unknown, 208-211; his report on the
privileges and restrictions of our com-
merce in foreign countries, 212, 213;
effect of the paper, 213, 214; his last
communication to Genet, 215; again
urged by Washington not to resign,
215; sends in his resignation, 215;
Washington's answer, 215, 216; sets
out for Monticello, 216; his popularity
on leaving office, and reasons for,
216; Webster's and Marshall's state-
ments thereon, 216, 217; character
of his dispatches and other State
papers, 216; the theory that his influ-
ence in the Cabinet was waning, con-
sidered, 218; in retirement, 223;
his health, appearance, etc, 223; his
family, 223; his correspondence, 226-
230; extent of his correspondence in
1794, 233; his avowals of his love of
retirement considered, 233-236; his
land roll in 1794, 237, 238; farming
matters, 238-240; invited to reenter
Cabinet and declines, 245; his feelings
on President's denunciation of Demo-
cratic Societies, 253-255; refuses to
be a candidate for the Presidency,
255; Madison's reply, and Jefferson's
pointed reiteration, 256, 257; his
disapprobation of treaty of London,
267-269, 288, 289, 296, 297; solicits
Madison to answer Hamilton's defence
of treaty, 268, 269; his comments on
Randolph's vindication, 271, 272; a
step back towards political life, 273;
attacks on him, 284; his views on
treaty-making power, 289; on Hamil-
ton's abilities as a financier, 289; on
powers of Congress over post roads,
289, 290; on impressments, 291; an
attempt to alienate him and Washing-
ton, 297; his letter to Washington,
297, 298; Washington's reply, 298,
299; farm operations in 1796, 301-
307; manufacturing operations, 307;
his plow, 307-310; his practical inge-
nuity, 311; building of his house, 311;
a candidate for the presidency in 1796,
311; how far he interfered in the
election, 312; he hopes Adams may
succeed, 312; reasons for this, 312-
314, 320-328; the vote in the electo-
ral college, 315; his overture to Presi-
dent Adams, 316-319; why not com-
municated, 319, 320; grounds on
which he was willing to form a coali-
tion, 320-328; effects that would have
ensued, 328, 329; discovers his error,
329; on accepting the Vice-Presiden-
cy, 333; his anxiety to avoid ceremo-
nials, 333, 834; his interview with

President Adams, 334; enters the
Vice-Presidency, 335; address to
the Senate, 335, 336; sequel of his
interview with Adams, 338; returns
home, 338; views on Monroe's recall,
342, 343; disapproves of call of spe-
cial session, 352; views of policy
proper to be pursued, 353, 354; his
condemnation of President's speech,
354; thenceforth in decided opposi-
tion, 354; a private letter of his com-
municated to the President, and an
explosion, 355, 356; remarkable state-
ments of this affair in Mr. Adams's
Works, 356; his parliamentary man-
ual, 356, 357; he returns home, 357;
his course on publication of Mazzei
letter, 361-363; efforts to produce
alienations between him and Washing-
ton, 363, 371-373; charged with hav-
ing procured the mutilation of Wash-
ington's letter-books, 369, 370; the
affair of the "Langhorne letter," 871-
873; his relations with, and feelings
towards Washington, 374, 375; takes
the chair in Senate, 1798, 379; a con-
versation with Adams, 379, 380; his
view of the state of affairs, 380–385;
avows his course in case war is declared
against France, 390; correspondence,
392, 393; domestic and farm affairs in
1798, 404-410; his feeling, towards
France and England, 411; anticipates
a personal attempt on himself under
the sedition law, 411, 412; his connec-
tion with Logan's mission, 413; offers
Rowan protection from alien law, 414;
his views on Union and foreign neu-
trality in the crisis of 1798, 447; his
apprehensions of the designs of the
Federal leaders, 447, 448, 451; drafts
the Kentucky resolutions of 1798,
448-451; his erroneous views of the
relative positions of the President and
the "Military Conclave," 456; politi-
cal correspondence, 465, 466, 468,
469; his views of Government policy
in 1799, 468, 469; he charges Marshall
with "cooking up the XYZ dish,"
470; origin of their hostility, 470; his
political correspondence, 470-479; the
union of the Revolutionary patriotic
extremes, 471, 472; means that he
and Hamilton relied on to effect
their objects in 1799 compared, 480;
letters to his daughters, 480-482;
his domestic affairs, 506-508; tone of
his correspondence during the sum-
mer, 508, 509; his opposition to the
doctrine that the Supreme Court had
common law jurisdiction, 508, 509; his
connection with the Virginia and Ken-

tucky resolutions of 1799, 509, 510;
takes chair of the Senate, 511; his
political correspondence, 520, et seq.;
"our Bonaparte," 523; a specimen of
his party arithmetic, 525; he is unani-
mously nominated for President by
Republican Congressional caucus, 533;
letters to his daughters, 587; how he
spent the summer of 1800, 564, et seq.;
his domestic affairs, 564, 565; his
election expenses, 565, 566; clerical
attacks on him, 567, 568; his retorts,
570; takes chair of Senate, 572; politi-
cal correspondence, 572, 577-579; on
the probable tie between himself and
Burr, 577; first views on new French
treaty, 578; his coolness and confi-
dence in respect to election, 579; the
house adopts rules for the election,
580; the votes opened and counted in
the Senate, 580; a tie between Jeffer-
son and Burr, 581; the Federalists in
the House support Burr, 582, et seq.;
the real objection of the leading Fede-
ralists to Jefferson's election, 589–591;
his own belief that Burr was acting
fairly, 594; vote in the House by mem-
bers, 595; his entries in his Ana, and
letters during the ballotings, 597–600;
ready to resist a usurpation by force,
598, 601, 604; elected President, 600;
his letters immediately thereafter, 600,
601; how far he was under obligations
to Federalists for the result, 602-604,
622, 623; his denial of having made
any terms with them, 618; the testi-
mony in relation to this, 612-620; how
the news of his election was publicly
received, 627; his feelings towards the
Federalists on his accession, 628; his
farewell address to the Senate, 628,
629; anxious to avoid a ceremonious
inauguration, 630; his inaugural ad-
dress, 630-633; becomes President
of U. S., 633; reception of his inaugu
ral address by the public, 633, 634;
his Cabinet, 635-641; his views on the
subject of removals from office, 634,
635; sends Dawson to France with the
treaty, 642; permits Paine to return
to U. S. in the Baltimore, 642, 643;
his impressions concerning the Federal
party, 645; he did not understand
New England and was not understood
by New England, 646; this remark
particularly applicable to New England
clergy, 647-652; his relations with his
Cabinet, 655; his determination in
regard to appointments and removals,
656, 657; his liberal policy therein
considered, 658, 659; his removal of
Goodrich, 659, 660; decides to appoint

no relatives to office, 662; affairs at
Monticello in 1801, 663; Presidential
equipage, etc., 664; determines that
war with Barbary powers is preferable
to their insults, 666; dispatches Dale
with a fleet to the Mediterranean, 666;
his avowed policy towards foreign-
born citizens, 666; abolishes the of
ficial ceremonials, 667; marks out an
outline of administration, 667; his
positions that free ships should make
free goods, and in regard to contra-
band, 670, 671; against long diplo-
matic tenures, 672; restores Washing-
ton's rules of Cabinet intercourse, 673;
does away with the "King's speech
and addresses of the Houses, 678; his
abolition of ceremonials considered,
678-680; his first message, 680-684;
attacks on it by Hamilton in the news-
papers, 685-688; his views on repeal
of Judiciary Act, 690; civil list dimin-
ished, internal taxes abolished, natu-
ralization law restored, and provision
made for payment of public debt, 692;
the nolo episcopari carried out, 693;
Cyclops in the ascendant, and wise Ulys-
ses fled, 693, 694; Jefferson's answer
to Baptist address, Vol. III. 2; his ad-
dresses to Indian delegations, 2, 3, 39,
40, 41; opens his policy to Livingston
respecting acquisition of Louisiana,
67; discloses same to Dupont de
Nemours, 8; grounds on which that
policy was based, 8, 9; the Callender
affair, 16-21; domestic affairs in 1802,
21, 22; list of his expenses for a year,
21, 22; reiterates his Louisiana policy
to Livingston, 22, 23; to Gallatin on
constitutional questions, 23; message
to Congress, 24-27; nominates Monroe
minister extraordinary, etc., to France,
30, 55; proposes Western explorations,
36; his views in respect to acquiring
Indian lands, 38; dry docks proposed,
42; he laughs best that laughs latest,
44; the acquisition of Louisiana due to
him, 50-58, 62-61; results of that
great measure, 64-66; allows the news-
papers to place him in a secondary
attitude therein, 64, 66; holds out a
friendly overture to England, 67; dis-
regards the murmurs of his party in
respect to removals, 68; believes the
incorporation of Louisiana requires an
amendment of the Constitution, 69, 70,
71, 72; refuses to disclose his birthday
to allow it to be made an anniversary,
70; convenes Congress to act on treaty
for purchase of Louisiana, 72; his mes-
sage, 73-75; treaty ratified and execu-
ted after a violent opposition, 75–85;
VOL. III.-45

he is unanimously renominated to the
Presidency, 90, 91; his continued hos-
tility to U. S. bank, 93; on a coalition
of eastern Republicans and Federalists,
95, 96; reasons for accepting a renomi-
nation, 95, 113; death of his daughter,
Mrs. Eppes, 100; his feelings thereat,
101, 102, 103; his replies to letters
of condolence, 103, 104; his corres-
pondence with Mrs. Adams, 104-
108; determines to remove Federalists
who use the patronage of office in
active opposition, 110; his views of
Louisiana boundaries, etc., 110, 111;
his action for the benefit of Lafayette,
113; wishes Republican office-holders
not to meddle in elections, 114; his
reelection by a greatly increased ma-
jority, 115; Decatur destroys the Phi-
ladelphia in the harbor of Tripoli, 125;
gun-boats, 125, 126; President's Navy
policy considered, 127-131; announces
his determination to retire at close of
his second term, 132; his second
inauguration and speech, 132–134;
Changes in the Cabinet, 134; progress
of Tripolitan war, 138, et seq.; affair
of the ketch Intrepid, 138-140; peace
with Tripoli, 142-145; unfriendly
Spanish relations, 146-148; he deter-
mines to repel Napoleon's interference,
146, 147; attitude of Great Britain
towards U. S. changed by battle of
Trafalgar, 148; she becomes dangerous
and France and Spain powerless, 148,
149; his message on British captures
of American vessels, etc., 159; retaliato-
ry legislation, 160, 161; other measures
of Congress, 161-163; the ordeal
passed by the Administration, 164;
Miranda's accomplices ordered prose-
cuted, 168; their memorial to Con-
gress and its action thereon, 168, 169;
President's correspondence, etc., with
the Emperor Alexander, 170; his
views of effect of death of Pitt on re-
lations of Great Britain and U: S., 171;
the outrage of the Leander, 171, 172;
President's proclamation thereon, 172;
negotiations to obtain Florida, 172;
prospects of U. S. at this period, 172;
receives first intimations of Burr's
conspiracy, 182; issues a proclama-
tion, and dispatches the proper orders
to military and civil authorities, 183;
prompt action of Ohio and Kentucky
legislatures to crush the conspiracy,
185; the President's communications
to Wilkinson, 186-189; regards Burr's
undertaking without any alarm, 186-
188; annual message to Congress,
190-193; recommends suspension of

Non-importation Act, 193; communi-
cates outlines of Burr's conspiracy, 194;
his domestic affairs in 1800, 196; his
view of Marshall's discharge of Burr's
accomplices, 197; his pecuniary af-
fairs, 200; his weariness of office, 200;
new treaty with England negotiated
by Monroe and Pinkney, 201; impor-
tant omissions in it, 201; he deter-
mines to reject without submitting it
to Senate, 202; his Cabinet concur in
his views of treaty, 202-204; his pa-
tience gives way on learning the lan-
guage tolerated towards himself on
Burr's trial, 208; declares his willing-
ness to furnish every necessary paper
for benefit of prisoner, 209, 210; offers
to give prisoner benefit of his testi-
mony by deposition, 210; states the
objections to his personal attendance,
etc., 210, 211; his answer to a sub-
pana duces tecum, 211, 212; intimates
that he will protect the constitutional
inviolability of his office by force, 211,
212; a practical commentary on the
chief-justice's opinion, 212; the pre-
tence that the President interfered
improperly on Burr's trials, 217-220;
an illustration of his feelings in the
case of Major Gibbons, 218, 219;
British outrage on the U. S. frigate
Chesapeake, 224, 225; public excite-
ment thereon, 225, 226; a demand for
reparation, and British public vessels
ordered out of the waters of U. S.,
225, 226; insolence of British com-
mander, 225, 226; preparations to de-
fend the sea-board, 227; Congress con-
vened, 228; menaces from Spain and
from the Northwestern Indians, 228,
229; President less confident than his
Cabinet of receiving satisfaction from
England, 229, 230; his undaunted
tone when threatened with war from all

quarters, 230; refuses " to parade
himself through the several States" on
a presidential tour, 230; declares he
has never removed a man from office
because a Federalist, 231; personal
anecdotes of him, 231-234; farming
matters, 234, 235; our relations with
Great Britain, 235, et seq.; meeting
of tenth Congress, 239; his Message,
239-242; recommends Embargo, 242,
243, Embargo bill passes, 243, 244;
he communicates proceedings on Burr's
trial to Congress, 244; resolution in
the Senate to expel a member as an
accomplice of Burr, 244-246; negotia-
tions with the special minister sent by
England, 250; President's views of
objects and proper duration of Embar-

go, 250, 251; receives addresses ap-
proving of Embargo from numerous
legislative and other bodies, 252; he
is nominated for a third Presidential
term by numerous legislatures, 252;
copy of his uniform refusal to be a can-
didate, 252; results of the nominations
embarrassing to him, 253; his cor-
respondence with Monroe thereon,
254; his private preferences for Madi-
son and reasons therefor, 254, 255;
his overtures to Great Britain and
France after adjournment of Con-
gress, 256 views of American min-
ister in England at this period, 256,
257; England encouraged to per-
sist in her orders in council by Amer-
ican complaints of Embargo, 257;
disingenuous representation of the ob-
jects and effects of that measure, 259-
261; open infractions of Embargo in
New York and New England, 261 et
seq.; quelled in New York by its Exe-
cutive, 262; President's decisions on
applications for exemptions from Em-
bargo, 262; Spanish relations, and
Florida question in summer of 1808,
263; his feelings in regard to a war
with England, 263; negotiations with
that power, 263, 264; action on re-
ceiving Pinkney's favorable dispatches,
264; his directions in regard to treat-
ment of Indians and the execution of
Indian murderers, 266; his action in
the Batture case, 266-269; meeting
of Congress, 276; his last annual mes-
sage, 276-279; Embargo triumphantly
sustained in Congress, 280, 281; his
views of its merely provisional and
temporary character unchanged, 281;
reasons for transmitting Canning's and
Pinkney's correspondence to Congress,
285; his future policy sustained by a
test vote in Congress, 286, 287; Ad-
ministration defeated in the vote on
Nicholas's resolution, 290, 296; his
contemporaneous explanations of this
circumstance, 290, 292, 293; his dif-
ferent explanation just before his
death, 293 et seq.; his permanent be-
lief that the passage of the resolution
would have prevented war or degrada-
tion, 296; English and French views
of the Embargo, 296-298; the policy
of it considered, 298-301; the con-
sistency of the president's public and
private career, 301; his relatious with
his Cabinet, 302; personal friendship
of opponents, 302; his feelings on
bidding farewell to office, 808; the
addresses which poured upon him from
all parts of the Union, 303; address