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extent, merely show that eight days before the resolution of independence was adopted by the body, Henry had in private conversation with Lee urged some arguments against an immediate declaration, “before the pulse of France and Spain was felt.” Henry well knew the ability of Lee and his familiarity with foreign topics, and, following his old and familiar habit of gathering intelligence, might very naturally urge objections derived from the temper of foreign powers in order to elicit the views and opinions of Lee. Strictly speaking, then, this letter of the 7th of May, referring wholly to a conversation held on the sixth, can prove nothing conclusively concerning what one of the parties actually said or did eight days later in a public body.

But, fortunately, we are not left to mere inferences from the letter of Gen. Lee on this subject. We have direct and positive testimony to prove that Henry, so far from being neutral or silent when the resolution instructing the delegates of Virginia in Congress to propose independence was discussed and decided in the Convention, he was its boldest and most eloquent advocate on the floor. We know from the express declaration of a member of the committee which drafted the Declaration of Rights and the first constitution of Virginia, and who was, at one time certainly, a mortal enemy of Henry, that the resolution of independence was drawn by Pendleton, was offered in committee by Gen. Nelson, and was “sustained against all opposition by Henry with that abounding energy and eloquence of which he was a master,” and to which no writer has done more ample justice than yourself. Such was the testimony of Edmund Randolph, uttered four years after the death of Henry, in the hall of the House of Delegates in Richmond, over the corpse of Pendleton. (Virginia Gazette, Nov. 2d, 1803, in the library of Virginia.)

I cannot blame you for not knowing the contents of an old newspaper published more than half a century ago, of which but a single copy is in existence; and when I saw the error into which you had been led by the letter of Lee, I knew that no man living would more cordially desire to exonerate the memory of Henry than yourself. With great respect,

I am very truly yours,

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Some of the old painters were fond of introducing a homely or even a grotesque minor accessory into their stateliest pictures. Here is something of the kind without borrowing from imagination. The following is from a letter to us from a familiar visitor at Monticello, General J. Spear Smith, of Maryland:*

“Whilst the question of Independence was before Congress, it had its meetings near a livery stable. The members wore short breeches and silk stockings, and with handkerchief in hand, they were diligently employed in lashing the flies from their legs. So very vexatious was this annoyance, and to so great an impatience did it arouse the sufferers, that it hastened, if it did not aid, in inducing them to promptly asfix their signatures to the great document, which gave birth to an empire republic.

“This anecdote I had from Mr. Jefferson, at Monticello, who seemed to enjoy it

1 Son of Mr. Jefferson's life-long friend, General Samuel Smith, of Maryland.

very much, as well as to give great credit to the influence of the flies. He told it with much glee, and seemed to retain a vivid recollection of the severity of an attack, from which the only relief was signing the paper, and flying from the scene."

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In vol. ii. p. 523, an extract is given from a letter from Mr. Jefferson to N. R., and it is mentioned in a note that “these initials occur here and again, where it would seem that the letters must have been addressed to his son-in-law, Colonel T. M. Randolph.” Their second occurrence is in same volume, p. 601, and it is there suggested or intimated in a note that the “fictitious direction ” may have been intended to guard against the suspected infidelities of the post.

We since learn that the letters were, as we supposed, written to Randolph, but that the direction was not “fictitious,” as would appear in the Congress edition, where the letters only appear. Mr. Jefferson, in writing his son-in-law's initials, habitually combined them into an abbreviated character, which was mistaken for N. R.

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ADAMs, John, his description of Jeffer-
son's first appearance in Congress,
Vol. I. 113; he describes Jefferson's
character as a member, 114; his views
on reconciliation with England, 123–
127; his statements in regard to pre-
paration of Declaration of Independ-
ence, 165, 166; he is the great cham-
pion of the Declaration, 179; his
speeches thereon, 180; his oratory,
181; compared with Franklin, 183;
his inaccuracy in statement, 166; he
questions originality of Declaration,
186; his unlucky claim, 187–189; in-
equalities of his character, 187: he is
with Jefferson in France, 413; their
personal relations, 182, 185; he invites
Jefferson to London, 444; negotia-
tions, 445; his description of his recep-
tion by public personages in England,
446, 447; with Jefferson visits Strat-
ford-upon-Avon, Worcester, etc., 449,
450; Jefferson's private opinion of him,
464; Jefferson's letter to him on he-
reditary officers, 486; his comparisons
between monarchical and popular gov-
ernment, 587; he is consulted by
Washington on allowing Lord Dor-
chester's passage, and his answer, 621;
Jefferson to, explaining his note to
J. B. Smith, Vol. II. 4; Adams's
reply, 5, 6; his defence of the Ameri-
can Constitutions, and discourses on
Davila, 7, 8; he is reëlected Vice-
President, 102; Jefferson to, 228;
assigns reasons for the refusals to
enter Washington's Cabinet, 247; his
views of English feelings towards U. S.,
261'; his letter to Gerry on Monroe's
recall and conduct, 283, 284; is a can-
didate for Presidency in 1796, 311; his

election, 315; Jefferson willing to form
a coalition with him, 320–328; his
political views, 320–328; his jealousy
of Hamilton, 323, 324; his account of
his interview with Jefferson, 324, 325;
his inclination to coalesce with the
Republicans, 325–328; jealousies of
him entertained by the Federal leaders,
327; declares the result of Presiden-
tial election in Senate, 332; proposes
to send Jefferson or Madison minister
to France, 334, 337; his inauguration
as President, 336; his speech, 336,
337; his feelings towards France and
England, 343; his critical period of
entering office, 343, 344; danger of
dismissing the existing Cabinet, 344;
character of his Cabinet, 344, 345; ex-
cited by Cabinet against France and
Jefferson, 346, 347; his vanity in-
flamed, 348; France dismisses Monroe
with distinction, and refuses to receive
Pinckney, 349; President convenes a
special session of Congress, 349; his
warlike speech, 349, 350; addresses
of the houses, 350; action of Congress,
351, 352; his views on an English
alliance, 381; on the “treachery of
the common people,” 381; his message
to Congress, 381; consults his Cabinet
on declaring war against France, etc.,
381; warlike message, 382; Congress
on fire, 382; Sprigg's resolutions, 383;
the XYZ dispatches, 384–387; effect
on public mind, 387, 388; war mea-
sures in Congress, 388; aliens take
flight, 388; war addresses pour upon
the President, and his replies, 389;
terrorism, 389; insults of England,
390, 391; rumors of a French invasion,
391; Marshall's return, and new war
message against France, 393; bills
passed by Congress, 393, 394; quasi
war, 394; legislation against “interior
foes,” 394; term of naturalization ex-
tended, 394; the alien laws passed,
394, 395; the sedition law, 395, 396;
Lloyd's treason bill, 397; the “black
cockade,” 397, 398; President's incon-
sistency in regard to execution of
alien laws, 415; the number of aliens
ordered away, 415; nominates Wash-
ington Lieutenant-general, 421; ap-
points the general officers, 422; their
respective rank changed by an intrigue
in the Cabinet, 422; President's mor-
tification, 423; nominates his son-in-
law by Washington's wishes, 423;
nomination defeated by the official
treachery of Pickering, 424; effect of
French overtures on President, 430,
431; consults his Cabinet on declaring
war or sending a new commission,
431,432; the message drafted for him
by “military conclave,” 432; he keeps
a door open for adjustment, 432; his
secret views in regard to provisional
army and an invasion, 432; the Miranda
project, 435, et seq.; Miranda to the
President, 441, 442; popular appre-
hensions of provisional army, 444–447;
exclusion of Republican officers, 446;
President's equivocal speech at the
opening of Congress, 455, 456; Senate
“hint Logan” to him, and his reply,
457, 458; his conduct on restoration
of the Retaliation by the French, and
the impressment of seamen from the
U. S. sloop of war Baltimore, 476;
nominates a minister to France, 477;
the Federal leaders “gravelled,” 477;
they drive the President to substitute
a commission, 478; his inconsistency
in respect to France, 483–486; his
conflicting statements in regard to
Logan, 485; the consequences of his
vacillation, 486, 487; the excuses for
his conduct, 487 et seq.; his misjudged
course towards Washington, 488–490;
his contradictory comments on Bar-
low's conduct, 491; consults Cabinet
on instructions to be given to envoys
to France, 495; delay of six months
in preparation of instructions, 496;
Cabinet urge him to suspend the mis-
sion, 496, 498; motives of the Cabinet
therein, 496–500; the struggle be-
tween them and the President, 498,
499; the instructions completed, and
envoys directed to embark, 499; the
charge that he entrapped his Cabinet,
499; result of the mission, 501 ; the
President's duress, 501; touches of the

dwarf, 502–504; Fries' insurrection,
504, 505; he pardons Fries against
advice of his Cabinet, 505; conduct
of the troops, 505; Congress meet,
511; President's speech, 511, 512; he
is renominated for Presidency, 533;
reasons for a portion of his party wish-
ing his defeat, 538, 540; his rejection
of Miranda's proposal, 538, 539; his
feelings towards Hamilton, 539; pro-
gress of the Presidential election, 544
et seq.; he is disembarrassed by the
result in New York, 544; removes
McHenry and Pickering from his Cabi-
net, 545–547; appoints Marshall and
Dexter to the vacancies, 547; the for-
tunate change thus produced, 547; the
plot of the Hamiltonians to elect Pinck-
ney over him, 554 et seq.; Hamilton's
private attack on him published, 559;
the provocation for some of the
charges, 560; his conduct as a candi-
date, 566; his dignified speech at
opening of Congress, 571; he is beaten
in the election of 1800, 581; his opinion
of the legality of Congress appointing
a temporary President of U. S., 588;
French treaty ratified, 623; his mid-
night appointments, 634; his uncon-
sciousness of Wolcott's treachery, 625;
his relenting towards his former Cabi-
net, 625; his overthrow how received
by American people, 626, 627; his
abrupt departure from the capital, 630;
his communication with Jefferson, 635;
his views of political affairs in 1802,
Vol. III. 28, 29; his reconciliation
with Jefferson, 335, 336; their subse-
quent correspondence, 336; a new rup-
ture between them threatened, 389; a
visit to Quincy, 390, 391; Jefferson to,
on living life over again, etc., 426;
Jefferson to, in regard to disclosing his
religious views, 440; a practical com-
mentary on judging the private reli-
gious opinions of candidates for office,
440; Jefferson to, declaring Botta's
the best history of the Revolution, 441;
Jefferson to, on the burden of his cor-
respondence, 443, 444; Jefferson to,
on the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence, 452; Jefferson to, on
the Missouri question, 454, 459; to Jef-
ferson on their approaching close of
life, 474; Jefferson to, on the publica-
tion of private letters, 476; his reply
to Jefferson, 477; his letter to Jeffer-
son on origin of the navy, etc., 478,
479; Jefferson to, on the character of
Napoleon, and his confinement in St.
Helena, 487,488; Jefferson to, on the
publication of Adams's Cunningham

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