tions only a species of lucrative speculation, and, consequently, scenes of turbulence, corruption, and confusion, of which foreign nations will avail themselves in the future as the French did in the last.

That there is a strong anti-Gallican party so far as to oppose an undue influence of France, I know. There are some who are anti-Gallican because they think the French, a false, deceitful, treacherous people. There are others anti-Gallican because they hate Atheism, Deism, and debauchery. There are others anti-Gallican, because at present so many of the French profess to be democrats, sans-culottes, and disorganizers. As to anti-Gallicans because the French are republicans, I don't know any such; indeed, I don't know any anti-Gallicans who believe the French to be republicans or capable of a republican government-any more than a snowball can exist a whole week in the streets of Philadelphia, under a burning sun of August or September. There are many who believe the French republican system cannot endure, and I am one of these. There are many who believe that our republican system cannot last long, for the very reason you mention, the want of principle. I am not one of these-though our cities are corrupt, our country is not, and I believe our republican plan may last a good while. But it will not, if French influence as well as English is not resisted. That there are persons principled against republicanism, I suppose is true-but they are altogether among the class of old tories as far as I know, and are very few in number, and of no Influence at all in the State. There may be others besides my Parson Wibirt, who think a hereditary King and House of Lords, with a good House of Commons the best form of government-but he is the only whig that I know of who professes this faith. I doubt not old C. J. Chew may be of the same opinion-and am told Dr. Nesbit, of Dickinson College, is also—and these are all I have heard ofindeed, some of the Quakers may be of this sect. But there is nothing to fear from these numbers or characters. The real danger is in the universal avarice and ambition of the people, which may make all the best men sick and weary of the perpetual anxiety, which electioneering projects and exertions occasion.

I wish you could have come on to Philadelphia. But the six children were excuse enough. Blessings on them and their parents. So says Mrs. A. as well as JOHN ADAMS.

MR. GERRY.

The foregoing letter is accurately copied from the original autograph letter of Mr. Adams in my possession.

For MR. RANDALL.

GEO. M. CONARROE. PHILADELPHIA, June 17, 1856.

crowds, or for the mere coarse and boisterous partisan—the vulgar electioneerer— or the impudent place-hunter-with boots, and frock-coats or round-abouts, or with patched knees, and holes at both elbows. On the contrary, they were select, and more courtly than have been given by any of his successors.

None were admitted to the levees but those who had either a right by official station to be there, or were entitled to the privilege by established merit and character; and full dress was required of all."

President's Speech.

Mr. Griswold says, in his Republican Court:

"In going to the Senate he [General Washington] used the chariot with six horses. All his servants were white, and wore liveries of white cloth, trimmed with scarlet or orange." "The state coach was the

finest carriage in the city. It was usually drawn by four horses, but when it conveyed the President to Federal Hall, always by six. The body was in the shape of a hemisphere, and it was cream-colored, and ornamented with cupids, supporting festoons, and with borderings of flowers around the panels."

Richard Rush describes with animation the spectacle witnessed by him when a boy, of General Washington proceeding in his carriage, with his servants in “glowing livery," followed by his secretaries and others in other carriages, slowly proceeding through a lane, formed through the congregated thousands of spectators, to open Congress with a speech; and Mr. Rush continues:

'Washington got out of his carriage, and, slowly crossing the pavement, ascended the steps of the edifice, upon the upper platform of which he paused, and turning half round, looked in the direction of a carriage which had followed the lead of his own. Thus he stood for a minute, distinctly seen by everybody. He stood in all his civic dignity and moral grandeur, erect, serene, majestic. His costume was a full suit of black velvet; his hair, in itself blanched by time, powdered to snowy whiteness, a dress-sword by his side, and his hat held in his hand. Thus he stood, in silence; and what moments those were!"

He waited for his secretaries, who got out of a chariot "decorated like his own." The secretary ascended the steps and handed him a paper, "probably a copy of the speech he was to deliver;" both entered the building, and then the crowd "sent up huzzas, loud, long, earnest and enthusiastic."

Answer of the Houses.

On the Houses agreeing to their addresses, they proceeded in a procession of carriages to the Presidential mansion, and delivered them to the President.

Birth Days.

The President's birth days were celebrated with many imposing ceremonies, closing with a magnificent ball. We have observed no particular description of the ceremonials. Some glimpses of the forms practised at the balls appear in Jefferson's Ana.

The President Walking.

Mr. Griswold gives the following among other recollections of Mrs. Wallace of Philadelphia-a lady, he remarks, of distinguished rank and "eminent for whatever was beautiful and noble in her sex." Her house was opposite General Washington's. She said:

“It was the General's custom, frequently, when the day was fine, to come out to

walk, attended by his secretaries, Mr. Lear and Major William Jackson-one on each side. He always crossed directly over from his own door to the sunny side of the street, and walked down. He was dressed in black, and all three wore cocked hats. She never observed them conversing; she often wondered and watched, as a child, to see if any of the party spoke, but never could perceive that anything was said. It was understood that the aids were kept at regal distance."

The President Travelling.

On his Eastern tour (October, 1790), says Griswold, he travelled "in his own chariot, drawn by four Virginian bays, and accompanied by two of his secretaries, Tobias Lear and Major Jackson, on horseback." In his Southern tour, in 1791, he used six horses. In these journeys he was escorted from place to place by military companies and civic processions.

Mrs. Washington.

Mr. Griswold says, "During the Revolution, Mrs. Washington had remained as much as possible with the Chief. At the close of each campaign an aid-de-camp repaired to Mount Vernon, to escort her, and her arrival in camp, in a plain chariot, with postillions in white and scarlet liveries, was always an occasion of general happiness," etc.

About a month after the election of her husband to the Presidency, "she set out for New York, in her private carriage, with a small escort on horseback." Troops of dragoons, the President of the Senate, and Speaker of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, with a numerous cavalcade of citizens, met her ten miles from Philadelphia "with the honors due to the Commander-in-chief." Other processions net her at Gray's ferry, and she entered the city amidst the pealing of bells, the roar of cannon, and the "cheering shouts of an immense concourse of joyous people." As she approached New York, similar demonstrations awaited her. Her receptions Fere as stately as the President's. Colonel Stone remarks:

"Proud of her husband's exalted fame, and jealous of the honors due, not only his own lofty character, but to the dignified station to which a grateful country ad called him, Mrs. Washington was careful in her drawing-rooms to exact those purtesies to which she knew he was entitled, as well on account of personal merit, of official consideration."

It was her custom, says Griswold, “to return visits on the third day, and she ways thus returned Mrs. Binney's: a footman would run over, knock loudly, and nounce Mrs. Washington, who would then come over with Mr. Lear."

Here we have a spice of politics: "When," says the same writer, "this sort of ople ['Democrats'] came into fashion during the French Revolution, full grown, e cherished against them an intensity of dislike which made it quite impossible for en the most amiable of that patriotic class to regard her with any affection atever."

Again: "With what feelings the excellent woman regarded these Democrats is wn in an anecdote of the same period [1794]. She was a severe disciplinarian, Nelly Custis was not often permitted by her to be idle or to follow her own rices. The young girl was compelled to practise at the harpsichord four or five rs every day; and one morning, when she should have been playing, her grandther entered the room, remarking that she had not heard her music, and also | she had observed some person going out, whose name she would much like to Nelly was silent, and suddenly her attention was arrested by a blemish on wall, which had been newly painted a delicate cream color. Ah it was no

W.

APPENDIX NO. XIV.-VOL. II. p. 316.

Mr. Madison's Suppressed Correspondence.-Mr. Trist to Henry S. Randall.

Mr. Randall's query about Mr. Madison's letters returned to him, is answered by the following extracts from James Madison to N. P. Trist:

"MONTPELLIER, June 12, 1827.

"I have not made a thorough examination of the chasms in my letters to Mr Jefferson returned by him; among those acknowledged in his to me, and not in the bundle returned by him, I find:

in 1799-4

1800-6

1802-6

1803-6

1804-11

1805 8

1806-4

1807-10

1808 8 perhaps more
1814-2

1817-2

1818-1

"It is quite possible that among the missing letters there were some of a nature more proper to be destroyed than preserved.1

"If there be any letters from me between 1788 and 1799, I shall be particularly glad to know the dates and subjects of them.

"In a letter to Mr. Jefferson of Jan. 22d, 1786, a printed proposition in the House of Delegates for giving commercial powers to Congress is referred to as inclosed in the letter; but was not in it when returned. The proposition as printed is stated in the letter to have been referred to a committee, and to have then received the alterations noted with the pen. This is the proposition referred to in the 1st vol. of the Laws of the U. S., page 53, and printed there as it was materially altered in committee of the whole, and not as it was originally made. It is more probable that the document was not preserved than that it was separated from the letter and is now to be found on the files of Mr. J. Should it, however, be there, I would wish a sight of it.

"Is there among the letters of Mr. J. to Mr. Adams senior, one dated December 28, 1796? The reason for the question I will explain when I see you."

["The foregoing," says Mr. Trist, "led to a request for the return of the letters (which I had found), a request made orally to Mr. Jefferson Randolph through me, and acceded to by him. He was the bearer of the letters to Mr. M., as is seen by the following:"]

1 Note by N. P. Trist.

"This shows what was his reason for wishing to repossess himself of his letters. Had the request been made to me, knowing what must be his principal motive, at least, I should have hesitated long-and probably decided against their delivery, save with the condition annexed of retaining copies. But, I was on the occasion a mere channel of a request, and it did not accord with my views of good faith towards Mr. M., as his chosen channel for a request, to proffer my opinion. I limited myself strictly to my capacity of channel."

"MONTPELLIER, Feb. 4, 1828.

"Since mine of the 26th ult., which I hope got safely to hand, I have received yours of the 29th, since which, that of the 30th, with the bundle of letters, has been handed to me by Mr. Randolph. I am very sorry for the trouble it cost you to take advantage of that conveyance. I return, as you desire, the extracts you made from some of the letters. I return also the copies of two letters, inclosed in yours of the 1st instant, just brought by the mail, though not desired; making of one of them, however, an extract only, by lopping from it a paragraph irrelative to the subject."

APPENDIX NO. XV.-VOL. II. p. 356.

The Forrest letter, and the comments of Mr. Adams's biographer.-John Adams to Uriah Forrest.

PHILADELPHIA, 28 June, 1797.

DEAR SIR: I received yesterday your favor of the 23d, and am very much obliged to you for it. The paper inclosed in it is a serious thing. It will be a motive, in addition to many others, to be upon my guard. It is evidence of a mind soured, yet seeking for popularity, and eaten to a honey-comb with ambition, yet weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant. I have been long convinced that this ambition is so inconsiderate as to be capable of going great lengths. I shall carefully keep the secret, as far as it may compromise characters and names.

To this letter Mr. Adams's biographer and annotator subjoins the following explanation in a note:

"General Forrest had communicated to Mr. Adams, from memory, having heard it read, the substance of one of the many letters circulated at this time by Mr. Jefferson, under the strongest injunctions that no copy should be allowed to be taken. It is worth while to contrast the opinion here expressed of Mr. J. with the uneasiness felt by Mr. Hamilton and his friends lest Mr. Adams should be led by that gentleFortunate would it have been for all the parties, if the idea of leading Mr. Adams had not been always uppermost in their minds!" (Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 547.)

man.

The italics are those of the annotator. When we first came to a particular examination of this subject, we were persuaded that the above application of the harsh remarks of the Forrest letter to Jefferson was an inadvertent error, on the part of Mr. Adams's biographer. We, therefore, addressed Mr. Charles Francis Adams a letter stating these impressions, the facts and reasonings on which they were based, and then proceeded to say:

"If Mr. Forrest's letter does not name or indicate Mr. Jefferson, you can judge what weight the suggestions I have made ought to have on your mind; and should they lead you to a train of inquiries that should satisfy you that my solution of the

1 Note by N. P. Trist.

"He here uses 'desired' in the sense of requested. I did desire (wish) it. But I deemed it indelicate to express the wish, Good faith forbid that I should retain copies without his consent. Delicacy forbid that I should ask this consent. Such a request from me, under the circumstances, might be unpleasant to him, as presenting an alternative, both horns of which would be disagreea ble. I therefore inclosed the copies, leaving him to infer my wish, and leaving him free also to acknowledge the inference or not, as might be most agreeable to him. As to the extracts' I had made, their nature was such as to preclude all hesitation in asking to be intrusted with them."