when it is further considered that by the Herald's authority, relied upon by the committee, "three-fourths, if not seven-eighths, of the labor of the State" was employed by the men who opposed Butler, and that notwithstanding in a State Republican by 75,000 majority upon a square vote between the great parties of the country, the Democratic candidate came within 15,000 votes of an election upon the most dangerous issues ever advocated in the State, we submit that the talk of "bulldozing" and "convincing advice" appears to be unworthy of the slightest attention. These are empty phrases, unworthy of appropriation in any but the cheap literature of a hot political campaign. The case of the Manchaug Manufacturing Corporation, in the county of Worcester, was cited as one of those in which the policy of "civilized bulldozing" was pursued; and the committee select it as their leading case, illustrative of the general depravity of the manufacturers of the State. Manchaug is a small manufacturing village in the town of Sutton. The corporation own the mills and tenements, there being no occasion apparently for inhabitants there except to carry on the industry prosecuted by this company, by which both they and the company have become prosperous and happy. The owners reside out of the State, and appear to care nothing whatever about the politics of their employés. Even Charles Chase, whose testimony is quoted below, could not inform the committee of the politics of one of the owners, although they visited the mills several times a month. They employ about one hundred and fifty adult males, of whom about one hundred are voters, and perhaps two-thirds of these are Democrats. Charles H. Chase is bookkeeper, now a Republican, and was a Democrat before the war. Mr. McArthur, the agent, is a Republican. The overseers are equally divided between the two parties. It is alleged that an effort was made to remove one Kennedy (who was not in the employment of the corporation) from one of its tenements, for political reasons; that his son, who was employed, was notified to quit work, and did so; that the corporation refused to let its hall for the use of a Butler meeting; that the workmen were provided with Republican tickets at the works, hauled in wagons to the polling-place (five miles from the mills), and voted under the direct supervision of McArthur, Chase, and Knox, and sundry other "civilized bulldozers"; and so on to some length. The committee, in their report, do not state the fact that Chase, McArthur, and Knox were officers of the town as well as employés of the corporation. When those employés constituted most of the inhabitants of the town, it would be strange if some of them were not leading citizens and public officers also. The father, Terrence Kennedy, and his son Frank, who had shortly before testifying escaped prosecution for embezzlement by the attorneygeneral of Connecticut, where he was then residing, because the alleged crimes were committed in another jurisdiction (see testimony of Milton A. Shumway, p. 441), the objectionable character of both witnesses being quite apparent from the testimony, are chiefly relied upon by the committee to establish the grave charges of the report against a large array of reputable citizens, several of them being Democrats living in the village, participating in the campaign, and in some instances themselves employés of the corporation. That the names of the Kennedys do not appear in the report of the committee is certainly quite judicious, as in the light of the other evidence and of the not limited notoriety of these witnesses in at least two of the New England States, the conclusions of S. Rep. 497-2 the committee, founded upon their statements, would be subjected to some degree of derision, in spite of the profound respect which people ought to cherish for the opinion of distinguished members of this body. The evidence rebutting the statements of these irresponsible witnesses is voluminous, irrefragible, and overwhelming. It should be quoted in full, but this is impossible. We can do little more than to refer to the testimony of Charles H. Chase, Robert McArthur, Benjamin L. Bachellor, a Democrat and clerk of the town of Sutton, where the Manchaug Mills are located; John R. Humes, one of the town assessors, also a Democrat; George Hastings, who has been elected to the three offices of treasurer, collector, and constable for twenty-five years in succession, a Republican in politics, but chosen by the suffrages of both parties, and one year elected by the Democrats in opposition to the Republican candidate; Wilder S. Holbrook, a country merchant and chairman of the Democratic committee in 1878; Frederick B. Smith, one of the selectmen in 1877 and 1878; Edgar H. Stevens, for six years an employé of the corporation, and who with many of his fellow-workmen voted for General Butler, and some others. These witnesses prove, together with much more relevant matter, that the members of this manufacturing company all live in Providence, R. I.; that although one or more of them visited their property several times weekly, yet they were never known to mention the subject of politics to their employés, and even the bookkeeper, Mr. Chase, did not know the political sentiments of the owners of the mills; that the men voted either an open or sealed ballot, as they chose, the law making full provision for so doing, and that the exercise of the privilege was facilitated in the amplest manner, and that there was no watching or interference with perfect freedom of action at the polls by any one; that, the mills and polls being some five miles apart, the men rode in the wagons of the corporation, all parties being carried indiscriminately; that a Republican and the chairman of the Democratic committee stood side by side distributing ballots at the polls; that the workmen discuss politics in the mill with entire freedom; that half the overseers are Democrats, and that they advocate their sentiments freely among the hands, as do the Republicans; that nothing was ever done by any one connected with the mills to interfere with or prevent any political meeting of any party; that in no way, directly or indirectly, was any man given to understand that he must vote for or against any candidate or party; that although the corporation was short of tenements for the accommodation of its workmen, yet they had allowed one of their best tenements, which would accommodate a family having several operatives in it, to be occupied for more than three years by this Terrence Kennedy, although he did not work for them himself, and had only one child who did; that he was requested to surrender the tenement only because the corporation seriously needed it, and that he had relatives in the town, and there was no difficulty whatever in his finding other places temporarily until after the election; that he had been talking of moving for a year until the corporation found that he was not likely to go without pushing; that he called on Mr. Chase one Sabbath morning to discuss the matter, prolonging his stay some two hours or more, and preventing Mr. Chase and his wife from attending church in the morning, which they were anxious to do, and using much irritating, insulting and profane language himself, but there does not appear to have been any such reply by Mr. Chase as Kennedy swears to, although it is to be hoped from the state of mind indicated by the evidence that both of them attended service in the afternoon; that Kennedy did remain in the house until after election, and that he was told by Mr. Chase that he could remain and vote, so far as that was concerned; that many Democrats lived in other houses of the corporation, but that no one was ever discharged or threatened for political reasons; that not the slightest "pressure" was put upon the hands or upon any one in the mills to make them vote one way or another; that Kennedy's son left some three or four months before the election, and from no cause connected with it. In regard to the use of their private hall being denied to the Democrats for the purpose of holding a Butler meeting, it was proved that the Democrats well knew they could have the hall by requesting it of the agent, through the regular officers of the Democratic party, but that they puposely sent a personal enemy to Mr. McArthur, the agent, so that as the Butler Democratic witness, Edgar H. Stevens, said, "it would be refused." The party said, "This will be a good point for us to make; that is, we will ask for the hall, and we will get refused, of course." "They knew they would be refused at the time." sir. Question. It was done as a matter of policy to make a little capital?-Answer. Yes, The meeting was held in a public hall over a barn, where meetings had been held for a number of years-in the only public hall in the place. It was further proved that Robert McArthur, the agent, was himself a very moderate partisan, generally voting for the best men without regard to party in local affairs, never discussing politics with the employés, nor giving them the least instruction as to "politics of the State" or the part they should take; that he took no special interest that year; that he gave no instructions to any one, and there was no concert between him and the bookkeeper, Chase, or any one, as to what they should do in the election. Mr. McArthur gives this account of his refusal to let Mr. Waters have the use of the company's hall: Mr. Waters is a man who is very obnoxious to me, that was the principal reason why we refused the hall. Some time after that a party waited upon me and stated that they would like to have the hall to hold a Democratic meeting in it. I told them they could have it, without telling me who was to be one of their speakers. They wanted to know what the expense would be. I told them that there would be no expense; that if the people of our village wished to hear them speak, I would light the hall, heat it, and give them the free use of it. The committee "must say" that the proof showed about the same state of facts which existed in Manchaug to have been true of the Slater Manufacturing Company, located in Webster, Worcester County, but cite no evidence. It is sufficient to say, under these circumstances, that there is no evidence, comparatively, to sustain the finding of the committee, while from workmen and employers, Democrats and Republicans, Protestants and Catholics, the charges made against this company were completely disproved. The Douglas Axe Factory is next assailed, and it is charged that the agents of the company stood at the door of the election-house, watched every one of the employés who came in, passed him the Republican ticket, and told him it would be to his interest to vote that ticket. It is not very apparent how it could do any harm to watch for a good opportunity to tell the truth to any man, whether he worked for the Douglas Axe Company or not; but if it is meant that any one connected with that company "watched" the workmen in an illegal or improper way, or intimidated any one or attempted to, then the reliable and superabundant testimony before the committee is completely ignored. It was also charged that the Boston Elastic Fabric Company employed a large number of hands, most of them Democrats, but, under the orders of their employer, Mr. McBirney (who, fortunately for the false witnesses who sought to defame his memory, died a short time before they testified), were nearly all required to vote the Republican ticket in 1878, and one man said he did not and was soon discharged. He admitted, however, that he worked two months after election; that great fault was found with his work, and that his overseer said he "had no brains." Question. That mafie you angry, did it not?-Answer. It did; it made me so that I left him. This Mr. McBirney was president of the company, and appears to have been a very honorable and benevolent gentleman, no partisan at all, and really solicitous of the welfare of his workmen and their families. We therefore, as an act of simple justice to his good name, transcribe the testimony of Thomas K. Sullivan in full, the man who is said to have carried the threats of Mr. McBirney to his employés (p. 438, direct, in full): THOMAS SULLIVAN sworn and examined. By Mr. BLAIR: Question. Where do you live?-Answer. At Chelsea. Q. How long have you lived there?-A. Ten years. Q. For whom have you been working?-A. For the Boston Elastic Fabric Company. Q. What is your position in their employ ?—A. Making tubing, springs, and so forth. Q. Have you charge of any of the help?-A. No, sir. Q. How long have you worked for them?-A. Somewhere about nine years. Q. Is he living?-A. No, sir. Q. When did he die?-A. About six weeks ago, I understand. Q. Did you ever say anything to the help in the employ of this Elastic Company in regard to their voting last fall, or give them any word as coming from Mr. McBirney? -A. I did. Q. Go on and state all that you said to them.-A. He told me that he never took act, part, or hand in politics before; that he was an old man; that he had some 300 or 400 families to support from the factory, and that they were doing very well now; that if the help respected him, they would vote for Mr. Talbot; and he said, "I want you to understand there will be no man discharged from here, no matter how you vote." I told the help so, some of them. Q. Did you tell them as to his desire that they should vote for Talbot, but that if they did not vote for him no man would be discharged?-A. Yes. I didn't tell all the men, but I told a great many of them. Q. Did you tell them all of that which Mr. McBirney said to you?-A. I did. Q. Did you tell a part and leave out the part that no one would be discharged?— A. No, sir. Q. What are your political sentiments?-A. Democratic. Q. Was there a Democratic organization among the help of Mr. McBirney's establishment?-A. A great many of the men are Democrats. Q. Do any of them belong to any Democratic club?-A. Not that I am aware of. Q. Did any of them vote for Butler ?-A. There was and is now a Butler club there. Men belonging to the Butler club are working in the mill now and have been all the time since it began. Q. Were any men discharged from the mill on account of their voting ?-A. No, sir; not a man. Q. Was there any feeling that any of them would be discharged if they voted as they pleased?-A. Not a bit; none whatever. Q. Do you not think that the men in the employ of this Boston Elastic Company voted just as freely as the men who were not in any employ ?-A. Just the same. I know that I did. I voted for Mr. Abbott. By Mr. McDONALD : Q. Repeat, if you can, what Mr. McBirney told you to say to the men.-A. He told me to say to the men that it would be his wishes and for the benefit of the company to vote for Mr. Talbot, but that they could vote as they pleased, and there would be no man discharged from the works, no matter how they voted. Q. What did he say about 300 or 400 families ?-A. He said there were 300 or 400 families that got their support from the mill. Q. And that they were doing well then ?-A. Yes, sir. Q. He told you to tell them that?-A. O, no; he didn't tell me to tell them that. Q. He did not tell you to tell them that there were some 300 or 400 families who got their support from the mill, but he told you to tell them that it would be for the benefit of the company and that the company was doing well then?-A. Yes, sir; that it would be for the benefit of the company and that the company was doing well then. Q. Did he not say that the election of Butler would be very injurious to their interests?-A. He did. Q. And might affect these 400 families?-A. Something like that. Q. That it might turn them out of house and home, if business turned the other way?-A. Something to that effect, I suppose. Q. And on that account he wanted you to communicate the fact to them that it was his desire they should vote for Talbot?-A. Yes, sir; that was his wishes, that they should vote for Talbot. Q. Didn't the men obey his wishes in that respect?-A. I couldn't tell you, for I don't know how they did vote. I only know that they all voted freely, just as they liked. Much ado has been made in regard to a droll case, of the attempted naturalization of a native by the clerk of one of the courts (not by the court itself) within about two rods of Plymouth Rock, the circumstance about the Rock being for some reason deemed quite important by the committee. A question arose before the selectmen as to whether the native-born son of an alien could register and vote without naturalization by the courts. Two lawyers, one of them, Hon. Charles G. Davis, a leading Democrat, and the other, Mr. Lord, a Republican, said "no." Accordingly, a certain young man named Morrison got the clerk of court to fix him up into a proper American citizen, and to give him a good nice title-deed to citizenship, a full copy of which oddity the committee has enrolled at length in its report. But the small boys on the street knew better than all this, and stirred things up so lively that the two lawyers, the board of selectmen (one of them a good Democrat), the clerk of court, and others were finally, after a deal of fuss, in some way enlightened, and, seasonably, before election, reversed their ruling, gave notice thereof, and put on all the names which had been rejected, and we believe General Butler got the vote of every one of them. It The committee have been moved to great sorrow over this case. had seemed to the minority rather ludicrous than otherwise, but knowing the tears which it has cost the committee, and that their grief cannot properly be assuaged until the use of documentary literature for the ensuing campaign is over, out of profound respect for our colleagues, we commend this whole subject to the serious contemplation of a great people jealous of their liberties. The truth is that we are, as a committee, easily aroused by all irregu larities touching naturalization papers, and inclined to think this to be a Know-nothing trick. There does not seem to be any reasonable excuse for a board of selectmen, the majority of which was Republican, and who might have got good law on this subject from any intelligent school-marm in the town, being even temporarily misled by a Democratic lawyer. Still, we do not see why this event should be thus perpetuated, along with the Landing of the Pilgrims and other things of historic importance. Again, Adin Thayer issued a circular asking the ministers to send him the names of the male members of their churches, so that he might forward useful documents to them at once, and so aid in saving the honor of the commonwealth. The worst feature of this business was, however, not that Mr. Thayer failed to call for the names of the female church members, which, if they could have voted, would have been to some purpose, but that even as it was "there were a large number of responses and documents sent to the names and addresses furnished." The indignation of the majority of the committee is natural and excusable, |
