men of the moral sublime-"Let thousands fall before Africa is adandoned," is but the effusion of derangement and folly. His life and his labors, and the lives and labors of Mills and Ashmun, have all been in vain.

To effect these results, we see societies formed, printing presses erected, men of talents, of wealth and influence, many of them men of piety zealously, some of them recklessly engaged. My soul almost sickens at the thought; because, if they succeed, our entire missionary operations in Western Africa must be abandoned. But these men, with all their efforts cannot succeed. I know how vain is all human reasoning when presented to minds previously occupied with a darling object; but I know, on the other hand, who has said, that "Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God." March 31, 1834.

IN FAVOR OF COLONIZATION.-No. 4.

Z.

MR. EDITOR: Your correspondent, J. L., assumes in his 4th number, that the Colonization Society is evil, and only evil; that no good it may do, will cure the wickedness inherent in the Institution. Do what good it may, it is still the upas tree. But may I be permitted to ask, where has all this been proved? Certainly not in his first four numbers; unless indeed we take unqualified assertion for proof. In my second number I called on him to sustain his charges; and I hope that call will yet be answered. It will be no answer, however, to prove that the free blacks ought to be better treated in the United States than they now are. Although I cannot with him consider the black man as "a white man," because I am not yet prepared for an amalgamation of the two races, still I wish more attention were paid to the moral elevation of this class among us. But what has that to do with colonization? I wish from my heart that every free colored person and every slave were sincere Christians; but I am yet to learn in what possible way the Colonization Society interferes with any measures pointed out in the Bible to expect this great and desirable end. How we injure those in the United States by building up a Christian colony in Africa for those willing to go there, requires soine proof. Until that proof is afforded, I will pursue the course already indicated, to show the advantages, and Christian tendencies of the Colonization cause.

One of the favorable tendencies of the Colonization Society, as claimed by its friends, is its salutary and decisive influence in putting a stop to the slave trade. I propose in this number to commence the examination of this branch of the argument.

This part of the subject, it will be admitted by all, is of great and deep importance. I propose to examine, first the efforts that have been made by the Government of the United States, and the Governments of Europe, in opposition to this iniquitous traffic; then the result of those efforts, on the trade itself; and finally what effect the Colony of Liberia has had, or may have against the same demoralizing trade. In the dry detail of referring to laws and treaties, I hope your readers will not weary. Although they will find no appeals here to the imagination, yet here are facts, without which, no just decision can be made.

The traffic in negroes was commenced in the beginning of the 16th century, by the Portuguese, and after them by all the nations of Europe, who had colonial possessions.When the slave trade became general, it became a great source of profit, to the petty African despots, and gave rise to interminable wars and outrages, which struck at the root of all social ties. Some writers estimate the number thus sold into slavery, during the last three centuries, at forty millions. This estimate is quite uncertain, but we know the number must have been very great.

The first opposition to this barbarous traffic, which I have been able to find, was by the general court of Massachusetts. In 1545, a law was made "prohibiting the buying and selling of slaves, except those taken in lawful war or reduced to servitude for their crimes, by a judicial sentence, and these were to have the same privileges as were allowed by the laws of Moses."-4th Vol. Mass. Hist. Col. page 195.

The courts of justice of Massachusetts, when the subject of slavery was brought before them, sustained and went beyond the legislature. The first trial took place in 1770, and terminated in favor of the negroes. In this suit, several blacks had sued their masters for their freedom and for wages for past services.—Same Vol. page 202.

Virginia, by a series of 23 acts, the first passed in 1699, brought the whole force of her legislative authority to bear against this traffic. On the 1st of April, 1772, her most eloquent memorial against this trade, was presented to the British Throne. In October, 1778, during the tumult and pressure of the revolutionary war, this trade, under heavy penalties, was prohibited.-Tucker's Blackstone, Vol. 2, Appendix, p. 49.

Most of the other states, before the adoption of the constitution of the United States, also prohibited this demoralizing traffic.

The Friends, or Quakers, at an early period, stood up for the rights of this unfortunate race. Their opposition commenced as early as 1727. In 1751, they abolished slavery among themselves. In 1772, by the efforts of Granville Sharp, the English courts decided, that slavery could not exist in England. This great and good man, was the soul of

all the efforts in England, to put a stop to the slave trade. In 1783, Wilberforce presented the first petition to Parliament. In prosecution of this holy cause, the philanthropists of Great Britain persevered, till the 10th of June, 1806, when the House of Commons declared the slave trade inconsistent with justice, humanity, and sound policy; and on the 6th of February, 1807, the act of Parliament passed, fixing the 1st of January, 1808, for the final abolition of this traffic.

By the constitution of the United States, Congress had no power to prohibit this trade, till January 1st, 1808. But long before that period, various acts of legislation passed, containing rigorous penalties, all tending to suppress this traffic.

The act of 22d of March, 1794, under the penalty of forfeiture of the vessel and heavy damages, prohibited any of the citizens of the United States or persons residing therein, from carrying slaves for sale to any foreign kingdom.

By the act of 3rd of April, 1798, all slaves carried into the Mississippi territory, to which the constitutional provision did not extend, were declared to be free.

By the act of 10th of May, 1800, citizens and residents, under heavy penalties, were prohibited from holding any right or property, or services, in vessels engaged in transporting slaves from one foreign country to another. The public ships of the United States were authorized to seize such vessels and crews.

The act of 28th of February, 1803, under heavy penalties, forbid masters of vessels from landing slaves in any state, where the state laws forbid their importation.

By the act of 2nd of March, 1807, the importation of slaves into the United States, was prohibited after the 1st of January, 1808, the time prescribed by the constitution. This act contains many severe provisions against any participation in the slave trade; such as long imprisonments, heavy fines, forfeiture of vessels, &c. The navy, also, was to be employed in bringing the offenders to justice. This act went into operation on the day when the British act of Parliament prohibited the traffic.

By the act of 20th of April, 1818, the prohibitory laws were further improved. Among other precautionary provisions, the labor of proof was thrown upon the defendant.

By the act of 3rd of March, 1819, the penalties of former acts were extended to the officers and crews of the offending vessels. The President was authorized to return the recaptured Africans to Africa, and appoint agents there to receive and take care of them. In addition to all these, by the act of 15th of May, 1820, the slave trade was declared to be piracy, and all those engaged in it, should be adjudged pirates, and on conviction, shall suffer death.

In the mean time, by the noble and persevering efforts of Great Britain, all Europe had been aroused to the iniquity of this immoral and pernicious traffic, and various legislative and diplomatic measures were adopted against it.

On the 8th of February, 1815, the five principal powers of Europe, at the Congress of Vienna, made a solemn engagement that the traffic should be made to cease.

In Denmark, the trade, by law, ceased on the 1st of January, 1803. In Sweeden, on the 3rd of March, 1813.

Napoleon, in 1814, on his return from the Isle of Elba, interdicted the slave trade; and on the 30th of July, 1815, Talleyrand announced to Lord Castlereagh, that the slave trade. was thenceforward, forever, and universally forbidden to their subjects.

The Netherlands stipulated for its abolition on the 4th of May, 1818.

Spain promised, in her treaty with Great Britain, of 30th of September, 1817, to abolish the slave trade entirely, on the 31st of October, 1820; and Great Britain, on the 9th of February, 1818, paid her £400,000 sterling, as an indemnity to Spanish subjects.

Portugal, in her treaty in 1817, stipulated to abolish the traffic north of the Equator, and at the same time agreed, that in 1823, the traffic should cease south of that line, England agreeing to pay her £300,000 sterling as an indemnity. By the treaty with Brazil of the 3rd of November, 1826, the entire trade, by her subjects, was to cease in three years from that date.

By the treaties with Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and Brazil, it was further stipulated that the reciprocal right of search should exist between them respectively, and the British Government; and that mixed courts of adjudication should be created, at Sierra Leone, Havana, and Rio de Janeiro. Each of these courts consisted, on the part of each Government, of one commissioner judge, one arbitrator, and one secretary.

From this examination, it appears that every Government in Christendom, has, for years, been arrayed against the continuance of the slave trade. Laws have been enacted, treaties have been formed, judicial decisions have been multiplied, and ships of war have been commissioned to arrest the progress of a traffic stained with blood, murderous to its objects, and searing and blasting every thing human in the hearts and the souls of its perpetrators. The effect of these mighty efforts, and the success, or rather the want of suc cess which has resulted from them, I propose to examine in my next number. April 7th, 1834.

IN FAVOR OF COLONIZATION:-No. 5.

Z.

MR. EDITOR: After perusing the 5th number of your correspondent "J. L." I am led

to think, that the present discussion will not be of much interest to your readers, and that it promises to be of little use to him or to myself. In that number, if I understand him, he goes for an entire amalgamation of the white and the colored races; and contends that my objections, stated in a former number, are in violation of the great precept, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." I certainly have no fault to find with him for so understanding the great second command of the moral law. But I have other engagements, of more importance, in my opinion, than to contest such a principle in the public prints. I will not quarrel, with the man who openly avows, that he has no objection, nay, that it is his duty to give his consent to the marriage of his son or daughter with a colored person, or if he be a bachelor--for I have not the pleasure of knowing your correspondent -that he has no objection to take one of the sable daughters of Africa to his bosom. will suggest to him merely, whether if all men were even of his opinion in this matter, it would not still be a solemn duty for the sake of Africa, to permit those who were willing, to go there.

I

He does not, I think, do me justice in reference to my remarks on his quotations. I assure him I did not intend to cry "bad dog." But I did intend to state the truth. He made quotations and referred generally to the different Reports, I stated these quotations were not from the Reports of the Board of Managers. I repeat that statement. A report of the board is one thing, a speech from an individual is a different thing. I am called "te put my finger on the spot." This is rather hard. I requested J. L. to give us a page, but without regarding this reasonable request, he throws the question back again. I can say to him that my call was made in no unfriendly tone. That he had not referred to the pages, and stated who used the language he quoted, I supposed was a mere inadvertence on his part. But I thought it important that your readers should know whether a quotation was to be charged to the board, or to one of the speeches, or to some correspondent. I hope hereafter he will give us the page, and state who it is that uses the words quoted. Let him do this with his first quotations, and what he requires from me will be unneces

sary.

His questions at the close rather amuse me. I hope he will not consider it all unkind if I say to him, that I have no doubt he can answer those questions for me.

In my last number I referred to the laws, judicial decisions, treaties, and other efforts adopted for the suppression of the slave trade. On examining the various measures taken by so many governments for the abolition of this bloody traffic, the first impression of the mind is, that the trade no longer exists. The painful and sickening facts, however, leave it doubtful, whether the traffic have been materially lessened; while it is certain that in order to escape discovery and capture, the horrors and cruelty incident to the trade in any form, have been increased ten fold. In referring to authentic sources of information on this subject, my difficulty has been to make selections. I have omitted all cases of individual capture, and confined myself to those documents and statements which give results. These I will now proceed to lay before your readers.

In Dec. 1816, the African Society in London state, that the estimate of slaves carried from the Western coast of Africa, across the Atlantic, at present amount to upwards of 60,000.—Third inclosure submitted by Lord Castlereagh, to the ministers of the five powers. Feb. 4, 1818.

Col. M'Carty, Gov. of Sierra Leone, writes as follows, 20th April, 1817. "I am grieved to say, that there is nothing favorable to state with respect to the slave trade, which has actually extended three times as far as at any period during the late war." June 28, 1817. The coast is crowded with slave ships, and no trade can be done where they are. July 20, 1817. "The slave trade is raging dreadfully on the coast. Goree has become quite an emporium of this traffic. No other trade can be carried on where the slave trade prevails."-4th Inclosure, as above.

The Church Missionary Society, in relation to their operations in Africa, thus write. "The country was gradually opening itself to the instructions of the Missionaries, when the revival of the slave trade proved a temptation too great to be resisted. So great is the demoralizing effects of the slave trade, and so inveterate the evil habits it generates, that it may be necessary to withdraw the Society's settlements formed beyond the precincts of the colony of Sierra Leone."--4th Inclosure, as above.

"Not less than 6000 captured Africans have been landed at Sierra Leone, by the British ships of war. The slave trade is carried on to a very great extent. There are probably not less than 300 vessels on the coast engaged in that traffic each having two or three sets of papers. You have no idea how cruelly these poor creatures are treated by the monsters engaged in taking them from the coast."-Capt. Trenchard, off Sierra Leone, to Sec. Navy, 10th April, 1820. Cong. Rep. 1830. No. 314, p. 347.

"The slave trade is carried on briskly in the neighborhood of Sherbro Island. There is a vessel under American colors within 25 miles of us, taking in a cargo of slaves."--Rev. S. Bacon, to Sec. Navy, same report.

"The annual average number of slaves withdrawn from Africa, is from 50,000 to 80,000.” -Report Com. Cong. 9th Feb. 1821.

"The committee are unable to state whether those American merchants, the American capital, and seamen, which heretofore aided in this traffic, have abandoned it altogether,

or have sought shelter under the flag of other nations. The trade, however, increases annually, under the flag of other nations."-Rep. to Congress, 12th April, 1822.

In the nineteenth report of the British African Institution, in 1825, the names and description of 218 vessels are given, engaged, or strongly suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. Rep. to Cong. 7h April. 1830. page 276.

There were imported into Mauritius, from 12th June, 1823, to 12th April, 1826, 840 slaves.-British State Papers. Vol. 25, No. 68, page 26.

The captures by a single British squadron were as follows,--1824, seven vessels with 1613 slaves; 1825, nineteen vessels, with 3649 slaves; 1826, seventeen vessels, with 3589 slaves; 1827, nineteen vessels, with 1963 slaves.--British State Papers. Vol. 26, No. 366.

There were imported into Bahia, from 1st April to June 9, 1827, 3089 slaves, in fifteen vessels. Vol. 26. No. 542, page 253.

There were imported into the port of Naranham, in 1826, 553 slaves.—Same, page

256.

There were seventeen French vessels boarded by the African from 3rd Aug. to 23rd Nov. 1826, containing 2577 slaves.-—Same, page 265.

The mixed commission at Sierra Leone condemned slavers as follows: 1825, ten vessels with 752 slaves. 1826, twenty vessels with 4017 slaves. Till July 1827, seventeen vessels with 1750 slaves.-Same, page 13.

The importations into Rio de Janeiro were as follows 1820, 15020 slaves-1821, 24,134. -1822, 27,363.-1823, 20,349.-1824, 29,503.-1825, 26,254.-1826, 33,999.-1827, 29,789.-1828, 43,555.-1829 to 1st March, 13,459. Walsh's Brazil.-Vol. 2, page 178.

The British Squadron on the coast of Africa in 1829, captured 22 vessels with 5210 slaves; and from 8th Nov. 1830, to 19th March, 1832, eleven vessels with 2,627 slaves.— Surgeon Leonard's records of a voyage, page 268-9.

One or two cases will show the sickening and horrid cruelty, with which this detestable and murderous traffic is now carried on.

On the 10th of Sept. 1831, the two tenders in company, chased into the river Bouny and captured the Spanish brigs, Rapido and Regulo, the former of 175, tons, eight large guns, fifty six men, and 204 slaves; the latter 147 tons, five large guns, fifty men and two slaves; both bound to Cuba. Connected with the capture of these two vessels, a circumstance of the most horrid and revolting nature occurred, the relation of which will afford an additional instance of the cruelty and apathy of those who carry on the slave trade.During the chase, they were seen from our vessels to throw their slaves overboard, by twos, shackled together by the ancles, and left in this manner to sink or swim as they best. could! Men, women, and young children were seen in great numbers struggling in the water, by every one on board the two tenders; and dreadful to relate upwards of 150 of these wretched creatures perished in this way, without there being a hand to help them; for they had all disappeared before the tenders reached the spot, excepting two, who were fortunately saved."--Leonard's records of a voyage, page 234.

I havintended to relate other cases, but I am sick at heart with the exhibition of the dreadful extent to which the trade is still carried on, and the bloody and horrible cruelty with which it is now accompanied.

In my first number I showed the extent of the efforts made to stop the slave trade, in this number I have shown that the trade is carried on, to its usual extent, and with increased and increasing horrors. From this melancholy review it will be seen how inefficient have hitherto been all the noble efforts of governments, aided by the great and good men in the United States and in Europe. The Christian world must turn to and employ some other agency, or the trade will continue. In my next I shall examine the tendency, which the colony of Liberia, and other colonies have had and will have to arrest and finally stop this odious traffic. 7.

April 14, 1834.

IN FAVOR OF COLONIZATION.—No. 6.

MR. EDITOR: In his 6th number, your correspondent J. L., instead of proving the charges made and reiterated in his previous numbers, against the Colonization Society, informs us, that "we will for the present ground our weapons."

When I read this, I supposed we were to have no more indefinite and groundless charges; no more extracts from speeches, quoted as Reports of the Board of Managers; and that if former charges were not attempted to be proved, new charges at least would not be made. In all this I was mistaken. The grounding of his weapon, is but the arrow of the flying Parthian; and the writer who in every page has cried out, Do as you would be done by, shuts his eyes and stops his ears to that other precept, Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour.

"We now understand the Board and Z. to say-that they do not expect or design to affect the system of slavery, or to benefit to any extent the free people of colour; or even to do more for Africa, than keep a kind of warlike or military garrison, into which missiona ries may retreat when their God neglects to protect and stand by them."

I hope Z. will never follow the example here set, of trifling with and profaning the great and holy name of Him who made the heavens and the earth; and however much it may suit your correspondent to ridicule and make sport of the missionary enterprise, he may be assured there are thousands and hundreds of thousands, who will no more respect his wit, than they will approve his profanity. Where has Z. said what he is here charged with saying? But I forbear. It was not to notice such a mode of reasoning, that I asked the privilege of using the columns of the "Friend."

What agency the colonization cause has had, or may have in arresting the slave trade, is very much a question of evidence. One fact here is worth a hundred speculations; and the testimony of men on the spot, is, and must be, conclusive, be that testimony what it may. But it will be found, that in the facts stated by eye witnesses of what they relate, and in the judgment of those, who from their situation in Africa are able to decide correctly, there is entire unanimity.

"The policy which I have invariably pursued in all the intercourse of the colony with the natives, is that of humanity, benevolence and justice. They have been treated as men and brethren of a common family. We have practically taught them in the spirit of the Parent Institution, that one end of our settlement in their country, is to do them good. We have adopted sixty of their children; and brought them forward as children of the colony-and shown a tender regard for their happiness and a sacred regard to their rights, even when possessed of a dictatorial power over both. In this conduct a new and surprising view of the character of civilized man has been presented to them. They have for the first time witnessed the effort of principles superior to the hopes of mercenary advantage, in this conduct of the settlers, and for the first time appear to be apprised of the fact, that among civilized people, there is a good as well as a bad class. They have learnt from this colony, what no other foreigners have cared to teach them-their immortality-their accountability to God who made them, and the destruction which certainly awaits at last the unrestrained indulgence of their lusts and vices. They have for the first time learned and still can scarcely believe, that thousands of strangers, in another hemisphere, are cordially interested in the advancement of their happiness. Our influence over them is unbounded. We have their confidence and their friendship, and those built on the fullest conviction, that we are incapable of betraying the one or violating the other.

"One of the most obvious effects of this colony has already been to check, in this part of Africa, the prevalence of the slave trade. Between Cape Mount and Tradetown, comprehending a line of 140 miles, not a slaver dares to attempt this guilty traffic; our influence with the natives, of this section of the coast, is known to be so great, as to expose to certain miscarriage, any transaction entered into with them for slaves. But there is a moral feeling at work in the minds of most of our neighbours, contracted doubtless by means of their intercourse with the colony, which represents to them the dark business in a new aspect of repulsiveness and absurdity. Most are convinced that it is indeed a bad business. But minds even as ignorant as theirs, cannot be unaffected to see foreigners more concerned for the welfare of Africans than Africans for each other. Perhaps it is yet to be seen, that the most barbarous of practices may be effectually undermined, by an influence as silent and unpretending as the persuasive power of Christian example," Mr, Ashmun to the Board, 31st Dec., 1825. Repository, vol. 2. p. 97—99.

"We have thought proper to interdict the slave trade on the whole line of coast, comprehended between Cape Mount and Tradetown, both inclusive. The ground assumed is that of a qualified jurisdiction, actually held by the colony over this whole district. It is believed that no slaver will proceed to land her cargo, (and without landing it he cannot get slaves,) in the face of such an interdict formally notified to him. But, in case his audacity prevails, and the goods are landed, we have only to announce to the native chiefs of the place, that, according to the laws of the colony, those goods are forfeited, and an instant seizure, in nine cases out of ten, is certain to follow."-Mr. Ashmun to the Board, 10th May, 1826. Repository, p. 184.

"The importance of this colony, as it regards the native tribes of the coast, is, in my estimation, great. They already begin to perceive that it is civilization and the blessings of religion, which give superiority to man over his fellow man. They had supposed it was the white skin; but now they see in their neighbourhood men of their own colour, enjoying all those advantages, hitherto deemed peculiar to the former. This has elicited a spirit of inquiry, which must tend to their benefit. The philanthropist may anticipate the day when our language and religion will spread over this now benighted land. The slave trade will cease as the colony progresses and extends its settlements. The very spot where now exists a free people, was a depot for the reception of manacled slaves. This fact alone is entitled to consideration, and ought to arouse the zeal of the friends of humanity every where."-Captain Nicholson, of the United States Navy, to Mr. Clay, 1828.Repository, vol. 4, p. 95.

"I have concluded to continue the factory at Grand Bassa, as I find it is the means of our exercising a considerable influence over a large tract of country. The chiefs have promised if I continue the factory, to pay their debts, and have nothing to do with the slave