people, I call your attention to the late State election, and the events incident thereto, as a subject whose magnitude and importance demands the wisest and calmest consideration. On the fourth day of September last a political meeting at Clinton, Hinds County, was interfered with and dispersed by violence, which resulted in the death of a nunber of persons, and which was followed, subsequently, by the pursuit and shooting of others, by armed men riding through the country. Impelled, through fear of violence, men abandoned their homes and fled by hundreds to this city for safety. The fifth and following days of September found this city crowded with panicstricken fugitives, unconscious of offense, imploring such assistance as would enable them to return to their homes, and shield them in the peaceful pursuit of their labors. While a city full of refugees was one illustration of the violence and the success of lawlessness, another was to be found in the fact that a sheriff's posse, which was sent to Clinton from this point, was headed by a flag of truce. At this juncture business was suspended, and disquiet or terror existed in the minds of all. The authority of the county was paralyzed. The sheriff reported his utter helplessness to give the needed protection. It then became the duty of the State government to furnish him the means to overcome and suppress the lawless bands, which, for some purpose other than the punishment of criminals, had established so lamentable a condition of affairs. The spirit which precipitated the Clinton outrage by no means had its origin then and there. Previous to that day, the sheriffs of the adjacent counties had been compelled by force-or what is substantially the same, after encountering much lawless violence, which no power at their command could control-to make their escape beyond the borders of their counties, leaving them without the chief peace-officer which the law has made so indispensable. Nor was violence, or the fear of it, confined to two or three counties. Appeals for protection and aid came from all directions. The State was without a militia or constabulary force. Although previous political disturbances had occurred, of a magnitude too great for local or State authorities to cope with, the sentiment against a militia, or other armed force, was so powerful and so general as to prevent its successful organization. This hostile sentiment to maintaining peace and affording protection by force, was chiefly due to a dread of a conflict of races. While one part of the people were thus discountenancing the militia in the interest of peace, another part was converting the State into a broad military encampment, which called forth a proclamation, bearing date of the 7th September, 1875, commanding, though ineffectually, their disbandment. The evil day anticipated, when the State should need force and be without it, had arrived. Under such a combination of circumstances, which could exist only in a State where the inhabitants are of two distinct races, with strong race prejudices and antagonisms, I was constrained to call upon the National Government for assistance to protect against domestic violence. This call was unsuccessful. It was followed by a succession of demonstrations by the armed part of the people toward the unarmed, causing a feeling of insecurity and danger, which continued until and after the day of the election. A renewed effort to organize a military force developed the deep-seated bitterness of the race-issue, and the extent of the intimidation which prevailed. While appeals for aid and protection came from all sides, and often from sheriffs, it was held by them that such forces as might be organized under State laws could not be serviceable. On the contrary, the conviction prevailed that they would only precipitate the conflict it was sought to avoid. The seizure of State arms on their way to the capital, the liability of seizure in sending them away from the capital, and the necessity of storing the few arms on hand at the United States camp for safe-keeping, were additional causes which embarrassed and prevented the organization of the militia. Consequently, only a few companies could be organized, and those (with one exception) but in one county-this, the seat of government. Many who took arms, did so to obtain the means of self-defense; few were accustomed to their use, and instruction and discipline were quite impracticable. The fund for militia purposes, appropriated by the late legislature, was sixty thousand dollars, but with the condition that fifty-five thousand dollars should be used only in case the militia should be called into active service. An early injunction from the courts prevented the expenditure of any part of the latter sum. The remaining five thousand dollars were soon expended, and there were no means to transport beyond the borders of this county, the recruiting-ground and depot, the few undisciplined companies formed within it. Preparations had been made to protect the sheriff of Yazoo County in his return to his county, he having previously been driven away. Deeming the means inadequate, he declined to make the attempt. He has not been able to return to this day. Because of the attempt to organize and use the militia to protect citizens in the exercise of their rights and privileges, as bestowed upon them by the Constitution and the laws, a class of people rebelled against it. To avoid threatened deeds of resistance and violence to State authority, as well as toward county officials and individuals, and the possible consequences, a committee of prominent citizens, powerful in controlling one of the political organizations of the State, gave their pledges that they would "do all in their power to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election." As to their power" to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election," I did not entertain a doubt. This novel and humiliating spectacle, in the government of a free people, was presented: Regularly-organized legal authority unable to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election, the leaders of a political organization assume to do it, with the accredited power, to accomplish all they might attempt. The deeds of violence already alluded to, and many similar ones of greater or less maguitude, in various parts of the State, had the effect to intimidate many voters. The extent of such intimidation may be judged by the following facts: In various counties the meeting together and consulting of voters before election, an important proceeding in a government like ours, had to be wholly or partially abandoned. In one county not only was there no preliminary canvass, but the danger was regarded so great that no convention was held to nominate candidates for offices. In certain counties tickets could not be freely and safely distributed, and in one county not at all. From oue county prominent candidates for office fled before election, fearing violence, if not assassination. In another county one party, through fear of the evil consequences if they refused, struck from their tickets names of candidates formally and regularly nominated, and substituted hose of their opponents, with whom there existed no political affinity. In certain counties, on the day of election, voters were driven from the polls by armed men, or so intimidated by them that they feared to vote. In one county the principal conuty officials were driven away from their posts on the day following the election, and have been refugees since. This county, Amite, was the one remote from the seat of government, where the effort to organize the militia succeeded. These are efects, not detailed statements of causes which produced them. The conviction that frauds were perpretrated at the late election gathers strength by comparison of the returns with those of the preceding elections. That the great evil which has befallen the State may be remedied, it first becomes necessary to inquire into its causes. The happy financial condition of the State, and the comparatively small amount needed for its support, preclude the possibility of a financia. cause. Intimidation was not proportioned to counties in accordance with their ndebtedness. Thorough intimidation was effected in some counties whose finances were in the most flourishing condition. The character of the events which have transpired compel the conclusion that the evil is to beattributed to a race question. It did not have its origin at this time. The inhabitants of the State are somewhat equally divided between the two races. They have, til recent years, borne the relation of master and slave. By a power external to the State, the slave has been made the civil and political equal of the master. The wihdrawal of this restraining force leaves the formerly dominant race to re-assert its supremacy. Though the complete supremacy of former days may not be possible, stillthe tendency is toward supremacy. The effort in this direction has heretofore and elswhere resulted, as in this election, in violence, loss of life, and intimidation. How far this effort has resulted in the virtual disfranchisement of the one race, and revolutionzed the State government, is a question worthy the most patient and careful inquiry Unless ever class of citizens be thoroughly protected in the exercise of all their 1ights and privleges, our Government proves unequal to its pretensions. The nation, recognizing the race-antagonisms, has anticipated them in the interest of liberty and equality by mdifications of the fundamental law of the land, and I recommend, as both right and xpedient, action in harmony with such modifications. The action of the legislature in regard to that part of the message was a preten ed effort to investigate the election. The resolution was, I think, intrduced in both branches of the legislature; and, although the democrat had a two-thirds majority in both branches, they allowed that resolution to slumber, and it was never heard of. Instead of inves tigating this election, where I maintained that a republican form of government was destroyed, they investigated my action; and my action. polifically, too I have stated here the condition of the State financially, which was sud that the events of the election could not have been upon the. based Q. Suppose ou give us the result in the aggregate.-A. [Reading from message.] "The real debt of the State, that is, its outstanding obligations beyond its ability to pay at once with its current and available funds"-including the taxes for the year 1875, which had not been collected-was about half a million. You understand that our taxes do not begin to come in until October. The cotton crop is planted in the spring, and is not completely gathered until the beginning of the following year, and no considerable portion of the taxes are paid until the crop is sent to market, and the last year's taxes had not been paid. [Reading from message.] The common and Chickasay school-funds-debts upon which the interest only is to be paid, the principal never becoming due, (obligations incurred many years since,) amount to $1,530,620. The expenses of the State government during the past year amounted to $618,259.18. That would be about 70 cents per inhabitant. The tax of the State of New York is $16 per inhabitant; and of the city of New York, $36 per inhabitant. [Reading from message.] The amount paid to the two universities of tle State, to normal schools, and interest on Chickasaw school-fund, was $136,896.37. FINANCE AND TAXATION. I have drawn a comparison between the financial conditon of that year and that of the previous year. The indebtedness of tie State$500,000-would be about sixty cents per inhabitant. All the expenses of government per inhabitant would be one dollar, which would make one dollar and sixty cents per inhabitant as the tax of any one year, in running the State government and paying its present indebtedness. During the past two years, or during my administration, the indebted ness of the State has been reduced some $300,000. These figures that I present were taken from the reports of the auditor of public accounts, and of the treasurer. To show you how the condition of tle State financially has improved, the expenses of administration of tie State government in the year 1873 were $953,000; in 1874, $908,000; and in 1875, 8618,000. It is, perhaps, well in your investigation to tate that the opposition papers-the democratic papers-have charged the State treasurer and auditor with misstatements in reference to the facts as put forth in my message. But, upon a review of their statements, the auditor and treasurer reported their conclusions to be corret. There were certain expenses that had been incurred-certain sun that had been accruing from one year to another, that appeared in B75, which should not have appeared, as they did not really belong t that year, but that investigation there will very clearly show that the statement as given by me was substantially correct. THE CHARGE OF PLUNDERING. The usual complaint in the South has been that the Stats have been plundered; but this shows, and the facts show, that the fancial condition of the State of Mississippi is flourishing; and I reer to this to prove that the financial question was not one which enteed seriously into our canvass. The greatest plundering that has bee perpetrated in the State since I have been there has been in democraticounties aud by democratic officials. They outnumber the defalcations ad plundering in republican counties ten to one. The official condition & the republican counties, from one end of the State to the other, is f better than that of the democratic counties. I am willing to admi that men are very much alike in all parties; and it is possible that suce the whole glare of light that can be produced always turns upon he republican officials, they might have been more particular. Whenever any irregularities have occurred in repulican counties, they have been made prominent; but when anything hs occurred of that sort in democratic counties, it has not been reported, has not become prominent, and not generally known. If you will permit me, I will touch upon six or seven points that I have referred to in general terms in my message. I say: PRELIMINARY MEETINGS ABANDONED. [Reading from message] In various counties the meeting together and consulting of voters before election, an important proceeding in a government like ours, had to be wholly or partially abandoned. Q. If you recollect any instances, please give us the names of the Counties to which you refer.-A. Holmes County, for one; Yazoo County, for another; Monroe County was another; Claiborne County was another, wholly or partially. That was substantially true of Tallahatchie, of Marshall, of De Soto, of Rankin, and of all the large republican counties. In those I speak of, particularly, they had only one or two meetings early in the canvass, and then had to abandon them entirely. Take Warren County, for instance, where there are 3,500 republican majority; in their preliminary movements for a canvass they attempted at first to meet around quietly and select their prominent men and send them to some point remote from Vicksburgh, for fear of interference. [Reading from message.] In one county not only was there no preliminary canvass, but the danger was regarded so great that no convention was held to nominate candidates for offices. That was in Yazoo County. I would say here, as I have already stated, that that is my annual message. It has been before a legislature two-thirds democratic in both houses, and they have not taken the first step to ascertain whether I have made any misrepresentations or not. I have been exceedingly guarded in this communication, as a matter of course. When I say "single step," I mean not a single complete step. They introduced a resolution in both houses, and there let it slumber; and it slumbered for some ninety days-was never called up at all. NO DISTRIBUTION OF TICKETS. [Reads from message.] In certain counties, tickets could not be freely and safely distributed, and in one county not at all. Q. What county was that?-A. Yazoo County. A complete reign of terror existed in that county and in Holmes County. Men who had tickets were pursued and captured, and one man I know-his name I do not recollect-who was believed to have had tickets, was taken forcibly from his house and carried to a town on the railroad, and forbidden, upon pain of death, to leave. I can give his name when I submit the names of the other witnesses. And these facts are notorious-all the world can tell it. [Reading from message.] From one county prominent candidates for office fled before election, fearing violence, if not assassination. That was in Holmes County. A man by the name of Warren, who was formerly speaker of the house of representatives since reconstruction, and who was the candidate for the legislature, and, I think, the candidate for the clerk of the county circuit court, and also the candidate for sheriff, I think, fled by night from Holmes County into the adjacent county, and remained absent and hid until after the day of election. I refer to this to show the danger of distributing tickets. In order to get tickets, they had to send down to New Orleans to have them printed; and when they were brought up the railroad was guarded, there were men on the train ready to capture the men with the tickets, and it was with the greatest difficulty that they escaped. And even then the tickets. could be but partially distributed through the county. What is true of that county can be shown to be equally true of other counties. As I say, I have been exceedingly cautious in my statements of facts in this message, knowing that it would be subjected, if examined at all, to the most careful scrutiny. WHY COMPROMISE TICKETS WERE ADOPTED. [Reading from message.] In another county one party, through fear of the evil consequences if they refused, struck from their tickets names of candidates formally and regularly nominated, and substituted those of their opponents with whom there existed no political affinity. Q. What county was that?-A. That was the county of Madison. The prominent men of Madison County, the sheriff of the county, some of the clerks, and nearly all the prominent republicans, came to my of fice. These men struck off republican names and put on democratic names; and the representative of the republican party-that is, the chairman of the State central committee-reported what was being done, and these republican leaders in Madison County were requested to come down and have a consultation, and they all came into my office. They then and there, in my presence and in the presence of others, stated that while they had no fear of personal harm, while they were not prepared to say that they feared assassination themselves, they did fear that unless they did make a change, a great number of lives would be lost, and assassination would be resorted to and intimidation, and of course the result would be to destroy the entire election in the county, unless they would agree; and they did agree, for the sake of peace and harmony, to put on two democrats out of the three candidates for the lower house of the legislature. The men that they put on had no affiliation with the republican party, and were not propelled by the same motives-differed from the republicans in their political sentiments as widely as political parties can differ in any section of the country. Q. Was that ticket elected?—A. The combined ticket was elected. Q. Two democrats and one republican ?-A. Yes, sir. INTIMIDATION AT THE POLLS. [Reading from message.] In certain counties on the day of election voters were driven from the polls by armed men, or so intimidated by them that they feared to vote. The case of the sheriff of Monroe County was a prominent instance of that sort. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What is his name?-A. Captain Lee, a most excellent gentleman; he was a very good confederate soldier; his crime was in being a republican. He reported to me by letter and orally that large numbers of men came over from Alabama. He will give you a pitiful story of the condition of affairs there. The opposition had a cannon which they directed upon a large number of men around the courthouse, who came there prepared to vote; and men on horseback came in, and men on foot, all armed. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) When did this take place?-A. On the morning of the election. He stated to me that in his attempt to canvass the county he believed he escaped assassination a number of times; that it became almost impossible to conduct a canvass-that is, all meetings were interfered with by men who went there particularly for that purpose; and on the day of the election, though he was notoriously a brave man, and no one man had dared to attack him, he, as sheriff, was compelled to secrets himself in the jailer's house for |
