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guage was held on this subject five or six years ago by Mr. Robinson, late American consul at Caracas.

• Should Great Britain gain possession of the island of Cuba, it would, no doubt, be in her power to retain it for a long time ; and, by the establishment of extensive arsenals at the port of Havana, she would, likewise, be able to keep there an immense fleet; so that, in the event of a war with the United States, the vast commerce of the river Mississippi, and that of all the Mexican Gulf, would be seriously annoyed, and, perhaps, entirely suspended. All this we admit; but, nevertheless, we do not hesitate to predict, that in less than half a century hence, when the United States shall have a population exceeding forly millions, and a naval force, such as the extent of their maritime resources will then enable them to maintain, the island of Cuba, as well as all the Antilles, and the commerce of the Mexican Gulf, will be under the control of the republic. This idea does not spring from any ill-will towards other nations, but is merely a hint to the governments of the Old World, that their establishments in the New are limited to a short duration ; and that every new at. tempt, whether on the part of Great Britain or any other nation, to oppose

the natural and inevitable progress of the United States, by planting rival posts, either on the continent or islands adjacent, will only tend to an earlier development of our resources ; and, conse, quently, accelerate the epoch, when the power of our republic will be felt and acknowledged over the western hemisphere.

East and West Florida must be incorporated in our federative states, either by treaty or conquest. We have already experienced the fatal consequences of permitting that section of the continent to be held by nations hostile to our interests, and jealous of our prosperity. Our citizens on the frontiers of Georgia and Louisiana, must no longer be exposed to invasion and massacre, in consequence of the impotence and dispositions of a neutral power in the Floridas. The security of the vast commerce of the Mississippi, and the prosperity of our great western states, must not be jeopardized by allowing any foreign nation to possess the important maritime keys of East and West Florida.

If Great Britain should hoist her royal banners at Havana, and make it the depôt of her navy, and the Gibraltar of the West Indies, we must then make Pensacola and Espiritu Santo our two great southern arsenals ; and if we are to become rivals for supremacy on the western shores of the Atlantic, then be it so,

Before we close our remarks on this important subject, we deem it necessary to say a few words on the probability that Cuba will not remain long under any foreign flag, but will become an independent power, under the protection of the United States. We know that this is the wish, and we are likewise certain it is the interest of the people of that island. It has not escaped the penetration of all the enlightened inhabitants of Cuba, that Spain cannot protect them during war; and, consequently, they know that every war in which she may in future be engaged, exposes them, not only to have their commerce destroyed, but to invasion and conquest. Under these circumstances, independent of all political enmity to the government of Spain, the inhabitants of Cuba have no common interests with her. The products of the island are valuable, in proportion as they can, without restriction, be sent to every part of the world ; and the articles necessary for the subsistence and comfort of the inhabitants cannot be supplied from Spain, and therefore must be furnished by other nations.

The city of Havana and its environs, at this day, consume more Aour and provisions of the growth of the United States, than Jamaica, or any other island in the West Indies. One hundred and twenty thousand barrels of flour, besides an immense quantity of other provisions, are now annually carried to Havana from the United States.

The enormous influx of negroes into the island of Cuba, within the last few years, and the inattention of the planters to the culture of provisions, have rendered the island completely dependent on foreign supplies, for the subsistence of the inhabitants. Suspend all commerce with Havana, by a strict blockade of its port, for only ur or five months, and the city, with all its famous fortifications, would be compelled to surrender, without firing a guni.

• The United States at present have a greater tonnage employed in the trade to the island of Cuba, than to all the rest of the West India islands. From our proximity, as well as the enterprise of our citizens, and 'more especially from our being the great source from whence must be derived flour and other provisions, we must always enjoy a considerable portion of its commerce. If it become independent, we shall be perfectly satisfied with such portion of the trade as will fali to our lot, from the circunstances just suggested ; and we shall feel pleasure in beholding the island in the enjoyment of an intercourse with all pations, giving to none any exclusive privileges.'

Robinson's Memoirs, Vol. II. pp. 297—301. The same jealousy of this country, but tempered by more gentlemanly feeling and a less pugnacious spirit, is discovered by Mr Poinsett.

The size, the wealth, the population, and especially the position of this Island, render it an object of great political importance. The Europeans, and most of the Creoles, who possess large estates, are disposed to adhere to the mother country, under all circumstances : some of the Creoles, on the contrary, are disposed to shake off the yoke of Spain, lightly as it bears upon them, and to declare Cuba an independent government. The dread of the slave population and of the lower class of whites in the cities, will probably constrain them to be tranquil. What part they may take, in the event of an attack being made upon the Island by the free government of Mexico or Colombia, it is difficult to say. It is probable, that some effort will be made by those countries, to revolutionize or to reduce the Island. For so long as Spain holds Cuba, Puerto Rico, the coast of the main, and of the Gulf of Mexico, are open to her fleets and armies. It is probable, however, that the course pursued by Colombia, with regard to their slave population, will prevent the Creoles of

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Cuba from listening to any proposals from that quarter. This is a subject highly important to our Southern Atlantic States, and I am glad to find, that every precaution will be used to prevent the black population from gaining an ascendancy in this Island.

What, however, I dread still more, and what in my opinion would be much more detrimental to our interests, is the occupation of this island by a great maritime power. Such an event would not only deprive us of this extensive and profitable branch of commerce, but, in case of war with that nation, (an event which would probably be hastened by our proximity,) would give her a military position, from whence she might annihilate all our commerce in these seasmight invade our defenceless southern maritime frontier, whenever she thought proper-and might effectually blockade all the ports, and shut up the outlets of our great western waters.'

This gentleman gives his opinion too, that the Americans ought to be satisfied that it should remain dependent on Spain, or, in good time, be entirely independent.' But he subsequently gives pretty good reason why it should not be left in the nominal possession of the Spanish Government.

I cannot take leave of Cuba, without adverting to the scandalous system of piracy, organized by the lawless banditti of Havana and Regla, and countenanced and protected by the subaltern authorities of the Island.

The pirates are so numerous and daring, and their leaders have acquired so much wealth by plunder, that the timid are awed, and the corrupt are bribed to pass unnoticed their frequent and flagrant violations of the laws.

From Regla, vessels proceed on piratical cruises, and return openly. The plundered goods are stored and sold with scarcely a decent attempt to conceal the manner in which they were acquired. Persons well known in Havana, have proposed to the owners of fastsailing American vessels to purchase them, avowing their intention to convert them into cruisers.. Attempts have been made to cut such vessels out of the harbour, and to obtain forcible possession of them. Articles plundered on the high seas, have been publicly exposed for sale in the city, and when identified as such, persons have been brought to swear that they were their property, and brought by them from other parts of the Island. These men care not to elude detection, for they are sure to escape punishment, or even the restitution of their plunder. Although I believe that the subaltern magistrates alone profit by the sale of temporal indulgencies, and by conniving at this system of villany, still, the higher authorities of the Island are not free from censure.

When the British squadron arrived here, with an order from the Spanish government to the captain-general, directing him to cooperate with the commander in suppressing piracy, that officer refused to do so, and declared that he had no disposeable force. At that moment there were nearly five thousand men in Havana, and a

fleet lying in the harbour, of three corvettes, of twenty-six guns each, a brig of war, and four schooners. This fleet has never been sent against the pirates, and it is worthy of remark, that in no instance has a vessel under the Spanish flag been plundered by them.

• I hazard nothing in asserting, that piracy will not be completely put a stop to, until the public authorities of Cuba and Puerto Rico are compelled to expel from their territory, all who are known to be engaged either in fitting out licensed or unlicensed piratical vessels, or in receiving and selling goods plundered on the high seas. All the great commercial nations of the world, ought to unite to induce or to compel Spain to adopt some such measure. If that nation does not possess the power of carrying it into effect, the United States oughi to lend the necessary aid to insure its execution.

Mr. Howison does not enter into these political speculations, but, in approaching the Havana, occupies himself with his pencil.

• On rounding the Morro castle, and entering the harbour, an interesting scene presents itself. In front, one sees a forest of masts, surmounted with the flags of all nations, and vessels of every description, from the ship of war to the coasting-sloop, lie at anchor an round him. On one side, a high ridge of rocks, crowned with formi. dable batteries, extends along the water's edge ; and on the other are clusters of houses fancifully painted and adorned with verandas, terraces, and balconies, where groupes of Spanish ladies sit enjoying the sea-breeze, and slaves stroll idly, awaiting their master's call. Å little way off, the antique towers of a convent rise with sober inajesty, and, in the distance, spires of various architecture project into the clear balmy atmosphere above, while the deep tolling of their bells comes upon the ear with varying loudness. Small boats with painted awnings glide about in every direction, conveying people to and from the different vessels; and the snatches of barbarous Spanish which reach the ear as they pass and repass, forcibly remind the stranger that he is in a foreign land.'

The wharfs at Havana are very extensive and commodious, and are always thronged with people. I have never seen so much shipping,' says Mr. Poinsett, and such an appear

' ance of business in any port of the United States, except • New York; and there it is not, as here, concentrated in one

spot. The heat of the sun reflected from the harbour, the hubbub that prevails, and the frightful black figures that create it, give the scene no very pleasing character. The streets of the city are narrow and, in the rainy season, excessively dirty, - the narrowest and dirtiest,' says the American Traveller,

in Christendom. In some of the towns of Asia, I have seen the streets of a whole town as narrow, filthy, and as badly paved ; and some few streets in Lisbon and in the towns of

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the south of Europe, are almost equal to those of Havana." The houses never exceed two stories, and are usually painted blue, or some other bright colour; and no public buildings meet the eye of a stranger, except the governor's palace and the churches, none of which have any exterior regularity or beauty of architecture. The interior of several of them, however, is sufficiently grand and imposing. The most magnificent, in point of furniture and decoration, is that of San Domingo; but the noble dimensions, double range of Gothic arches, and lofty roof give to the church of San Francisco a more impressive effect. The number of priests in Havana exceeds four hundred. With a few exceptions,' says Mr. Howison, they neither deserve nor enjoy the respect of the com'munity.'

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However, no one dares openly to speak against them. In Havana, the church is nearly omnipotent, and every man feels himself under its immediate jurisdiction. Most people, therefore, attend mass regularly, make confession, uncover when passing a religious establishment of any kind, and stand still in the streets, or stop their volantos the moment the vesper bell begins ringing; but they go no further; and the priests do not seem at all anxious that the practice of such individuals should correspond to their profession. The priests shew, by their personal appearance, that they do not practice those austerities which are generally believed to be the necessary concomitants of a monastic life. The sensual and unmeaning countenances that encircle the altars of the churches, and the levity and indifference with which the most sacred parts of the service are hur ried through, would shock and surprise a Protestant, were he to attend mass in the expectation of finding the monks those solemn, majestic, and awe-inspiring persons which people who have never visited Catholic countries, often imagine them to be."

Nothing can be worse than the state of society in this city. The lower classes, including the three descriptions of free blacks, slaves, and Spaniards, are all alike dissolute and unprincipled. Assassinations are so frequent that they excite little attention; and assault and robbery are matters of course when a man passes alone, and at night, through a solitary quarter of the town. I believe,' says Mr. Howison, (and Mr. Poinsett makes a similar statement,) this city is the scene of 'more outrages and daring crimes than any other of its size in the civilized world.'

• Several assassinations take place in the streets every week; but one will not learn this from its newspapers or from the Spaniards themselves, both the government and private individuals being anxious to conceal from foreigners the reproachful state of their town. When the dead body of a stranger, or person of low rank is found, it

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