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ought to be made. A report from the committee, that amendments ought not to be made, would not avail. It would not prove to be a labor saving machinery; but, on the contrary, might occasion considerable loss of time. He thought it better to go through with the machinery we had become accustomed to.

Mr. KEIM, of Berks, asked for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered.

Mr. READ, of Susquehanna, expressed the hope that the Convention would not now appoint a committee, for the sake of considering all which had been said in the last two months. If we did not go on in the regular process, in which we had gone on for the last two months, and which would bring us through, the effect will be to retard, to an indefinite period, the termination of our labors. The effect would only be mischievous-to throw all into a hotch-potch, or into the fire. He hoped the motion would be indefinitely postponed.

Mr. STEVENS, of Adams, said the object was to save time. The resolutions were laid on the table with a view to save time, and the vast expense which was daily accumulating. The adoption of this resolution, might lead to a compromise, which would enable us to close our labors, in reasonable time. What loss of time would be caused by such reference? There could be no loss of time; but if this motion prevail, we should have to offer the various propositions here in Convention, and to discuss them in succession, and at large, unless prevented by the previous question. If the committee could not agree, they would so report. If they were unanimous in recommending any measure, in a spirit of concession, yielding to each other on some points, and leaving what could not be settled, for the people to dispose of, under the provision for future amendments, great expenses would be saved, and the people would be better satisfied. He thought so, and that no harm could possibly be done. When the report of the committee should be called up for action, then the motion for indefinite postponement might be made. But, pressed at this time, the motion would put an end to all hope, and condemn us to a session of six months longer, and an expenditure of a quarter of a million. What should induce gentlemen to be so jealous of each other, and so suspicious of the operations of this body, that they cannot consent to have a committee? Gentlemen were not acting so as to produce harmony of action here. Instead of harmony of action, there was no indication of any thing but the most acrimonious feeling, and the bitterest opposition.

Mr. PORTER said, he was endeavoring to bring our labors to a point by concession. He never expected, that any proposition which he brought forward, would meet with the acquiescence of all. But he wished to do his part towards a peace-offering. He had thought his proposition would recommend itself to all parties, and he was always disposed to yield his share for the sake of peace and harmony. He found that his course met with the approbation of other gentlemen; and others might be induced to offer their suggestions, so that the committee might send forth something like the views of all brought together, and not those of any individual. No one could hope to carry all his views. He may endeavor, but would assuredly fail. Another individual would oppose him with his views, and he also would fail. This course was taken for the purpose of bringing the opinions

out all his own individual views. It was in this view, he had offered his proposition, and not to disturb and distract the Convention. If, instead of producing the result he aimed at, it should appear that he had only thrown the apple of discord into the Convention, his expectations would be greatly disappointed. If the select committee could do any thing which was compatible with the spirit of compromise, it would be pleasing to the people, and dissipate the apprehensions which are spreading abroad, and also among some of ourselves. If he could effect any thing, he would go as far as any man in his willingness to surrender his own opinions.

Mr. FLEMING, of Lycoming, admired the spirit in which the proposition had been offered, but he could see no possible advantage which could be derived from it, therefore, he should vote in favor of indefinite postponement. We have now duplicate articles of amendments, and the gentleman had yesterday introduced almost an entire Constitution; and, having embodied therein all he wished, was not content that his proposition should take the ordinary course pursued in regard to resolutions, but wished for a special committee, so that we would have the proposition, for the third time, before us. An anxious disposition to save time, and the expense of gentlemen remaining here, was a common profession. It was well conducted. Why was it reiterated? These resolutions, to dispose of matters which had been settled before, were one of the great causes of expense. The spirit of compromise might as well be excited in the Convention as in committee, and if we were to have compromise reports, it would not prevent any gentleman from giving his views. He could see no benefit from the course proposed, except to endorse the views of particular individuals. The gentleman had a fair opportunity to bring his views before the Convention. in the same spirit of compromise, and could give his views, in order to effect a compromise and expedite the business of the Convention, and every individual member would still feel himself bound to bring in his own views, and there would be the same opportunity to come to a compromise, as if we had a majority and a minority report of a committee before us.

The Convention could not fail to perceive most clearly, that notwithstanding all these declarations in regard to yielding and compromise-that the various propositions which had been introduced, would be again brought before the Convention. No matter whether we had a dozen or twenty reports, each member would still offer, and insist upon his own proposition. The only effect of the report of a select committee would be, to endorse the peculiar notions of a few individuals. He could see no advantage that would arise from sending the matter to a distinct and separate committee.

Mr. SMYTH, of Centre, said, that he entertained no doubt of the sincerity of the gentleman who offered the proposition; but, he could not see what was to be gained by it, Besides, he objected to its being again spread before the people. He thought the effect of it would not be to expedite the business, for the propositions could not be adopted, without having first been acted upon in committee of the whole, and it was not to be expected, that the Convention would adopt the report of the committee, without considering it in committee of the whole, and going through the me routine we had already passed. The gentleman from Adams was

That gentleman had said, that we should expend a quarter of a million of dollars, if we went on in the way we were doing now. Who was to blame for this expense? Who had heen more ready to bring forward propositions, and thus to consume time, than the gentleman from Adams. He (Mr. S.) did not blame him; but, it was not right, that he should be perpetually reminding us of the expense. Had the motion been made at the beginning, there would have been some reason in it; but now, after getting half through, this proposition would only stop us short, and turn us back to begin over again.

Mr. FRY said, that when the proposition of the gentleman from Northampton was first introduced, he was in favor of it, but after some reflection, he had come to the conclusion to oppose it. If the Convention had at first taken up the old Constitution, and gone through it, without refering any part of it to committees, we should have got along better than we had done. He thought, that the only way to make progress now was, to go on as we had begun to go straight through the work, without turning off to the right, or the left.

Mr. BROWN, of Philadelphia, explained, that the motion which he had made was to postpone, indefinitely, the whole matter. The gentleman from Northampton had propounded a most singular question to the committee. He had asked what injury would arise from entertaining his proposition. He (Mr. B.) should have thought the gentleman would have asked what good? That would have been a very proper question, inasmuch as we came here to do good. Much had been said in regard to compromise and conciliation. Now, that spirit was rife here, and he wished to cultivate it. He wished that feeling to prevail. But, he feared, that if another report were made, the harmony, which at present prevailed, would be destroyed, and we should be divided. He did not suppose, that any gentleman desired to bring about that state of things, but such would be the consequence of acting upon the proposition.

Mr. MEREDITH, of Philadelphia, remarked, that the Convention were sitting on a day distinguished in the history of this country, and he presumed, that they would adjourn till to-morrow, when the present subject should have been disposed of. He said that he was in favor of the resolution, and against the postponement of it, because, he thought it would be a want of courtesy to comply with the request of the gentleman who had brought forward this proposition. Such a request ought to be granted, and ought never to be refused, except under peculiar circumstances, in a deliberative body like this. To refer a proposition like this, would not interfere with the proceedings of the body itself, for the committee would sit when this body was not in session. It seemed to him that an impression prevailed among some gentlemen, that because a committee made a report, we were, therefore, bound to endorse it. That, however, was a consequence which did not follow. He was opposed to any adjournment, until we should have finished the business we came here to transact. If the Convention ever came to any conclusion, it must be by compromise; and, he was, consequently, willing to vote for the appointment of a committee, composed of gentlemen from every side of the House, for the purpose of ascertaining whether any compromise of conflicting views could be effect

three months and tell the world that we could agree upon no measure of any importance.

Mr. PURVIANCE, of Butler, hoped the motion to postpone would prevail. It had been his desire, at the commencement of our labors, that we should have pursued the same course as the Convention of 1790, and have had no standing committees. He thought that the time had gone by, when the gentleman from the city (Mr. MEREDITH) should talk about its being a want of courtesy not to comply with the wish of a gentleman to raise another committee. It would be recollected, that the gentleman from Luzerne, (Mr. WOODWARD) not now in his seat, offered a proposition to raise a grand committee, composed of one member from each Congressional district, and for the very purpose avowed by the resolution now before us. What, he would ask, was that object? Why, ostensibly, that object was a compromise. A compromise of what? Had we not gone through almost all the articles of the Constitution? What, then, he would enquire, had we to compromise? Had we not already disposed of the question of suffrage, and the question of electing the county officers ? Notwithstanding that we had disposed of almost every thing before us, with the exception of one article, still, when we came within reach of that, gentlemen were determined to look another way, and ask for a committee of nine, and the majority would be against any change in the Judiciary. Their report would be laid on the table, as would be a counter report which also would be made. We should have to go into committee of the whole on them. He took it for granted, that this would be the consequence of adopting the resolution of the gentleman from Northampton.That gentleman, however, and the gentleman from Adams, (Mr. STEVENS) wished to avoid touching what they might consider the "elixir of life”. But, he (Mr. P.) would tell those gentlemen, that the time would come, when it must be touched. We might, then, as well do so now, as after the committee should have been raised.

Mr. PORTER here intimated, that he would withdraw his resolution for the present, if the gentleman (Mr. S.) would withdraw his own.

Mr. PURVIANCE would say a few words in relation to what had fallen from the gentleman, who had submited the propositions as to the expenses of the Convention. He (Mr. P.) could not see what necessity there was for continually laying the expenses before us. For what purpose was it done? Was it to render our proceedings unpopular with the people?He could perceive no other object in view but that. His (Mr. P's.) constituents, certainly twenty-four out of twenty-six, were in favor of limiting the tenure of those offices, which might be denominated life offices. They were willing to incur any expense to obtain an amendment of the Constitution, in that respect. He had had some conversation with a gentleman who was experienced in the business of legislation, and was informed by him, that the daily expenses of the Legislature, on an average, were greater than those of this body. The gentleman, too, in making his calculation of the expenses, had included the mileage of members. Were we incuring that expense at this time? He apprehended not. He would conclude what he had to say, by expressing his hope, that hereafter this subject would not be introduced on this floor, to interupt the progress of business, which we were met here to dispose of.

tion. He had supposed, that the mileage of members would amount to about thirty-three dollars each, making the sum of four thousand dollars in all, from the period of meeting to the close of their deliberations.

Mr. PORTER withdrew his resolution, and then moved that the Convention do now adjourn, but withdrew the motion.

The PRESIDENT said, that as he had observed frequent violations of the latter part of the fourth rule, and as it would not apply to any gentleman, in particular, now, he would direct their particular attention to it.

[The rule was here read.]

Mr. READ, of Susquehanna, on leave, offered a resolution, that when the Convention adjourn, it adjourns to meet on Wednesday morning, at nine o'clock, which was agreed to. He then moved that the Convention do now adjourn. Lost-ayes 34, noes 40.

Mr. PORTER moved that the Declaration of Independence be now read, which was agreed to; and,

On motion of Mr. BUTLER, of Philadelphia, the Declaration of Independence was read by Mr. PORTER; and then,

On motion of Mr. M'SHERRY, WASHINGTON's Farewell Address to the People of the United States, was read by Mr. M'DOWELL.

The Convention then adjourned till to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 1837.

Mr. M'CALL, of Washington, presented a memorial from citizens of Washington county, praying that a Constitutional provision may be inserted, as follows: "The trial by jury shall be as heretofore, and in questions affecting life or liberty, shall be extended to every human being, and the right thereof shall remain inviolate", which was refered to the committee on the ninth article.

Mr. CRUM, of Huntingdon, presented a memorial from citizens of Huntingdon county, on the subject of secret societies and extra-judicial oaths, which was laid on the table.

SIXTH ARTICLE.

The Convention again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the sixth article of the Constitution, Mr. CHAMBERS, of Franklin, in the Chair.

The question being on the motion of Mr. DARLINGTON, to amend the report, so as to provide that the Governor shall appoint the Justices of the Peace, in such convenient districts as are or shall be directed by law; that they shall hold their office for the term of five years, but may be removed for misbehavior in office, or on conviction of any infamous crime, or on the address of both Houses of the Legislature.

Mr. DORAN called for the yeas and nays on the motion, and they were ordered.

The question was then taken on the motion to amend, and decided in

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