right, he left a favorable impression on the mind of Mr. Jefferson, and every member of his family.' His Travels contain more serious errors in regard to the University, but these do not call for attention here.

We will return to Mr. Jefferson's correspondence. He wrote to Mr. Short, January 8th, 1825, a letter (commenting on some published statements of H. G. Otis and R. G. Harper) which will be read with curiosity by those who wish to know whether he preserved to the last the views so often expressed, during earlier political conflicts, in regard to the aims of the leaders of the two great American parties. His letter is cool, argumentative, and from the citations it contains was evidently written with deliberation. As unhesitatingly as twenty-five years earlier he asserts, on the evidence of his own ears, that Hamilton, Adams, and other great Federal leaders, were monarchists in theory, and again distinctly carries the idea that a portion of those leaders were monarchists in their aims. He again says, that "the true history of that conflict of parties" will never be understood, until "by the death of the actors in it the hoards of their letters shall be broken up and given to the world." He again prophesies that "time will in the end produce the truth." But he admits that "after all" these divisions were not to be wondered at-that under one name or another they have everywhere existed in the human heart-that they have exhibited themselves in every country "where not suppressed by the rod of despotism."

Edward Livingston forwarded to Mr. Jefferson, in March, a portion of his celebrated civil code of the State of Louisiana, requesting him to examine its provisions, weigh their bearings on each other in all their parts, their harmony with reason and nature, and their adaptation to the habits and sentiments of those for whom they were prepared. The latter, March 25th, declined this honorable task, but expressed great admiration of the

"I dined yes

1 Wirt wrote to his wife from Baltimore, October 30th, 1825: terday with the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, at Mr. Oliver's. He is about a head taller than myself, with a nose retroussé and features a good deal like 's, not fair and auburnhaired, however, like, but with a sallow complexion, and dark hair; no redundant fat, but brawny, muscular, and of herculean strength. He is about thirty-five years old, and looks like a Russian, or one of those gigantic Cossacks. I dare say he makes a magnificent figure in uniform. He speaks English tolerably well; yet, he has that apparent dullness of apprehension which always accompanies a defective knowledge of a language, and which renders it rather up-hill work to talk with him."-Kennedy's Memoirs of Wirt, vol. ii. p. 178.

Code, declaring to Mr. Livingston that "it would certainly arrange his name with the sages of antiquity."

In a letter to -,' October 25th, he gave a fuller course of ancient and modern reading for young persons, than we remember to have seen elsewhere in his writings; and it is interspersed with highly characteristic remarks. In answer to a letter from J. Evelyn Denison, he strongly commended the taste. then reviving in England " for the recovery of the Anglo-Saxon dialect"-and also the publication of the existing "county dialects of England," which he said "would restore to our language all its shades of variation." To Lewis M. Wiss, November 27th, he made an explanation of the plan of dry-docks, recommended during his Presidency. This will be found far more accessible to those desiring to know the outlines of that plan, than the official records which contain them.

An application having been made to Mr. Jefferson to prepare a letter of advice for the future guidance of a little namesake, whose parents resided in Washington, he sent the following:

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH.

This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead. The writer will be in the grave before you can weigh its counsels. Your affectionate and excellent father has requested that I would address to you something which might possibly have a favorable influence on the course of life you have to run, and I too, as a namesake, feel an interest in that course. Few words will be necessary, with good dispositions on your part. Adore God. Reverence and cherish your parents. Love your neighbor as yourself, and your country more than yourself. Be just. Be true. Murmur not at the ways of Providence. So shall the life into which you have entered, be the portal to one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And if to the dead it is permitted to care for the things of this world, every action of your life will be under my regard. Farewell.

MONTICELLO, February 21, 1825.

THE PORTBAIT OF A GOOD MAN BY THE MOST SUBLIME OF POETS, FOR YOUR IMITATION.

Lord, who's the happy man that may to thy blest courts repair;

Not stranger-like to visit them, but to inhabit there?

"Tis he whose every thought and deed by rules of virtue moves;

Whose generous tongue disdains to speak the thing his heart disproves.
Who never did a slander forge, his neighbor's fame to wound;
Nor hearken to a false report, by malice whispered round.

1 Name not given. See Congress edition of his Works, vol. vii. p. 411.

Who vice in all its pomp and power, can treat with just neglect ;
And piety, though clothed in rags, religiously respect.

Who to his plighted vows and trust has ever firmly stood;

And though he promise to his loss, he makes his promise good.
Whose soul in usury disdains his treasure to employ ;

Whom no rewards can ever bribe the guiltless to destroy.

The man, who, by this steady course, has happiness insur'd,

When earth's foundations shake, shall stand, by Providence secur'd.

A DECALOGUE OF CANONS FOR OBSERVATION IN PRACTICAL LIFE.

1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day.

2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself.

3. Never spend your money before you have it.

4. Never buy what you do not want, because it is cheap; it will be dear to you

5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold.

6. We never repent of having eaten too little.

7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly.

8. How much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened.

9. Take things always by their smooth handle.

10. When angry, count ten, before you speak; if very angry, an hundred.

When President J. Q. Adams's first message to Congress appeared, in December, Mr. Jefferson was deeply and painfully alarmed at its tenor. He wrote to Mr. Madison, December 24th:

"I have for some time considered the question of internal improvement as desperate. The torrent of general opinion sets so strongly in favor of it as to be irresistible. And I suppose that even the opposition in Congress will herafter be feeble and formal, unless something can be done which may give a gleam of encouragement to our friends, or alarm their opponents in their fancied security. I learn from Richmond that those who think with us there, are in a state of perfect dismay, not knowing what to do or what to propose."

He said the representative of his county (Mr. Gordon) had solicited his advice, and that if Mr. Madison had not thought of anything in this emergency, he would propose to him a line of action, which in the apparent hesitation exhibited by their opponents, might prove "a bolt shot critically" to "decide the contest by its effect on the less bold." It might "break the western coalition, by offering the same thing in a different form. It would be viewed with favor in contrast with the Georgia opposition and fear of strengthening that. It would be an example of a temperate mode of opposition in future and similar cases. It would delay the measure a year at least. It would give them the chance of better times and of intervening accidents; and in no way place them in a worse than their present

position." This measure consisted in the passage by the Legislature of Virginia of a solemn "Declaration and Protest," a proposed draft for which he inclosed to Mr. Madison.

This, after very temperately reciting the conditions of the federal compact, declared:

"But the federal branch has assumed in some cases, and claimed in others, a right of enlarging its own powers by constructions, inferences, and indefinite deductions from those directly given, which this Assembly does declare to be usurpations of the powers retained to the independent branches, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct infractions of it.

"They claim, for example, and have commenced the exercise of a right to construct roads, open canals, and effect other internal improvements within the territories and jurisdictions exclusively belonging to the several States, which this Assembly does declare has not been given to that branch by the constitutional compact, but remains to each State among its domestic and unalienated powers, exercisable within itself and by its domestic authorities alone.

"This Assembly does further disavow, and declare to be most false and unfounded, the doctrine that the compact, in authorizing its federal branch to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, has given them thereby a power to do whatever they may think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare, which construction would make that, of itself, a complete government, without limitation of powers; but that the plain sense and obvious meaning was, that they might levy the taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare, by the various acts of power therein specified and delegated to them, and by no others."

But in consideration of the feelings and interests of other states, "and as a further pledge of the sincere and cordial attachment of the Commonwealth of Virginia to the union of the whole," it concluded with the following proposed enactment:

"We therefore do enact, and be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia, that all citizens of this commonwealth, and persons and authorities within the same, shall pay full obedience at all times to the acts which may be passed by the Congress of the United States, the object of which shall be the construction of post roads, making canals of navigation, and maintaining the same, in any part of the United States, in like manner as if the said acts were, totidem verbis, passed by the Legislature of this commonwealth."

This proposition was not adopted. Immediately afterwards occurred that correspondence between Jefferson and Governor Giles of Virginia, in relation to Mr. Adams's political conduct in 1808-9, which has already been noticed. In discussing what steps were necessary to resist what he believed to be usurpations of the National Government in respect to internal improve ments, Mr. Jefferson wrote the Governor:

"Are we, then, to stand to our arms, with the hot-headed Georgian? No. That must be the last resource, not to be thought of until much longer and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a compact of so many parties is to be resisted at once, as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We must have patience and longer endurance then with our brethren while under delusion; give them time for reflection and experience of consequences; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents; and separate from our companions only, when the sole alternatives left, are the dissolution of our Union with them, or submission to a government without limitation of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation. But in the meanwhile, the States should be watchful to note every material usurpation on their rights; to denounce them as they occur in the most peremptory terms; to protest against them as wrongs to which our present submission shall be considered, not as acknowledgments or precedents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil, until their accumulation shall overweigh that of separation. I would go still further, and give to the federal member, by a regular amendment of the Constitution, a right to make roads and canals of intercommunication between the States, providing sufficiently against corrupt practices in Congress (log-rolling, etc.), by declaring that the federal proportion of each State of the moneys so employed, shall be in works within the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due salvo of jurisdiction. This is the course which I think safest and best as yet."

The year 1826 opened gloomily on Mr. Jefferson. His pecuniary difficulties had now reached their climax. While staggering under the load of his own debts, he had suffered a loss by indorsing, which, as he remarked, gave him the coup de grâce. He wrote Cabell, January 20th:

"My grandson, Thomas J. Randolph, attends the Legislature on a subject of ultimate importance to my future happiness. My own debts were considerable, and a loss was added to them of $20,000 by indorsement for a friend. My application to the Legislature is for permission to dispose of property for payment in a way which, bringing a fair price for it, may pay my debts, and leave a living for myself in my old age, and leave something for my family. Their consent is necessary. It will injure no man, and few sessions pass without similar exercises of the same power in their discretion. But I refer you to my grandson for particular explanations. I think it just myself; and if it should appear so to you, I am sure your friendship as well as justice will induce you to pay to it the attention which you may think the case will justify. To me it is almost a question of life and death."1

His request to the Legislature was for permission to dispose of his property by a lottery. He drew up a paper on the subfect which was only intended to be shown to a few friends in the House, but has been published since his death, in both editions. of his Works, for the explanations of his views which it contains.

1 For this, and some subsequent correspondence between Jefferson and Cabell, not contained in the published Works of the former, see their correspondence in the History of the University.