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"Mr. Webster's account of his visit to Monticello, seems to me written in no unfair or unfriendly spirit, but was rather hasty, superficial, and never intended for the public eye."

No member of Mr. Jefferson's family ever heard him mention Wirt's Life of Henry in the tone attributed to him by Mr. Webster. His family often heard him speak of that work, and of Mr. Henry himself, with playful freedom-laugh at / what he conceived the artificial "dressing up" the latter had received at the hands of Wirt. But they always understood him to admire both of the men far too much to feel any inclination to allude to them, or to anything which had emanated from them, with intentional disrespect. Wirt was notoriously a marked favorite with him, through life. His whole correspondence, and his Memoir written at the age of seventy-seven, exhibit his unbounded admiration of Henry in certain particulars, and his dislike or severe animadversion in none. Henry and he came to differ very widely in politics, and the former literally died leading a gallant political sortie against the conquering Republicans. On one occasion at least, his keen native humor was directed personally against Jefferson. With his inimitable look and tone, he with great effect declared, that he did not approve of gentlemen's "abjuring their native victuals." This gave great diversion to Jefferson. He loved to talk about Henry, to narrate anecdotes of their early intimacy; to paint his taste for unrestrained nature in everything; to describe his bonhomie, his humor, his unquestionable integrity, mixed with a certain waywardness and freakishness; to give illustrations of his shrewdness, and of his overwhelming power as an orator. But he never closed an amusing account of Henry's exploits among overseers, wild hunters, and the like, in the "piny woods," without saying: "I never heard anything that deserved to be called by the name of oratory, compared with his ""we could not have got along in the Revolution. without him ""he produced our unanimity "-" he was a man of enlarged views "-" he was a truly great man.'

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That Mr. Jefferson favored Mr. Crawford's election over

The Republicans were accused of being adherents of France-the cookery of Monticello was French!

These were, in substance, his habitual expressions in regard to Mr. Henry. The conversation which we have quoted from Mr. Trist's Memoranda (vol. i. p. 40), was but a sample of hundreds of conversations with his family and with others in their hearing.

General Jackson is certain. The main reasons have been stated in the letter last quoted. It is true that with all his attempts to maintain neutrality, he did not invariably avoid expressions which indicated his views. A good many persons can recollect the local excitement produced by his declaring to some one in conversation, that it was "poor policy to select a cock for a sailor, or a goose for a fighter." Nor is it impossible that he retained certain disagreeable recollections of Jackson's course on Burr's trial. Burr, on his first western journey, had thoroughly insinuated himself into the General's good graces. The latter detested Wilkinson. His likes and dislikes were vehement, and he came on to Richmond to flame and fulminate against the principal witness, the prosecution, and finally against the Administration. He is reported to have expressed himself much more vigorously than elegantly on the occasion!' Mr. Jefferson did not, perhaps, sufficiently understand how far twenty years had tamed the early fires of that great man's character. But it would be most extraordinary that, to a known and very decided political opponent, like Mr. Webster, he should express himself with a severity towards a Republican candidate, that those most absolutely in his confidence never heard him employ.

Not a shadow of intentional misrepresentation is here imputed to Mr. Webster. His statements are regarded as rapid outline jottings, made, probably, only for private reference, but however made, giving the sum of the impressions the writer formed of Mr. Jefferson's opinions and feelings, rather than an actual report of his words.

The remark in the last quoted letter that the writer (long a resident of Monticello), never saw an expression of anger or impatience on Mr. Jefferson's face, recalls to mind two anecdotes. Older members of his family had seen such expressions on his face, and they remembered and related them as marvels. The first occasion was serious-the second ludicrous. Martha Jefferson used to say that once when travelling with her father,

1 It should in justice to General Jackson be remarked, that he subsequently changed his views of Burr's character-that on coming to the Presidency he substantially turned his back on him-though Burr and his friends claimed that he had been materially instrumental in bringing Jackson forward for the Presidency. Burr's agency in the latter consisted in being one of the first, possibly the first, to name the General for that office. But there never was a moment after Burr's return from Europe, when his efforts in favor of any man's elevation to a popular office would not have proved damaging.

they came to a ferry, and found the two boatmen engaged in a violent quarrel. They took the travellers on board, however, and rowed silently to the middle of the stream, when chancing to catch each other's eyes, the contention at once broke out afresh. They ceased to use their oars or to steer the boat, which drifted swiftly towards some dangerous rapids. Mr. Jefferson spoke to them calmly, and then sternly, but they paid no attention to him. Martha said that her father suddenly started up with "a face like a lion," and with a hand over each of the boatmen, bade them, "in tones of thunder," to row for their lives or he would pitch them into the stream. They did pull for their lives, occasionally stealing a fearful glance upward at the form which remained rigid and immovable above them until they reached the shore.

On the other occasion, Mr. Jefferson directed one of his servants to take a horse and go to the Charlottesville post-office for his letters and papers. The boy replied that there was not a horse out of use but those belonging to the carriage. "Go, then," said Mr. Jefferson," and tell Jupiter [the colored coachman] to lend you one of his horses." The boy soon returned, saying "old Jupe" sent back word that nobody could have his horses for that business. Mr. Jefferson looked amused, and told the boy to go again to Jupiter and tell him that the case was urgent, as he was expecting important letters. The sable Olympian, however, replied flatly that "neither of his horses should go for anybody." "Tell Jupiter to come here," said his master, evidently in a passion. The pampered coachman soon arrived to meet a look and hear a tone never before or afterwards witnessed at Monticello-never witnessed by any member of Mr. Jefferson's family, except by Martha in the boat. Jupiter at once prudently took in a good deal of sail, but he firmly declared that he must not be expected to keep the carriage horses in the desired condition, if they were to be "ridden round by boys." Mr. Jefferson admitted this, but he told his coachman that he had better never again take quite so blunt a method of "telling his mind." And here the matter ended.

Jefferson's correspondence in 1824 contains, we believe, but one expression in regard to the Presidential candidates. It appears in a letter (October 13th) to Mr. Rush, the American minister in England. He wrote:

"The éclat of this [Lafayette's] visit has almost merged the Presidential question, on which nothing scarcely is said in our papers. That question will lie ultimately between Crawford and Adams; but, as at the same time, the vote of the people will be so distracted by subordinate candidates, that possibly they may make no election, and let it go to the House of Representatives. There, it is thought, Crawford's chance is best."

And he added:

“We have nothing else interesting before the public. Of the two questions of the tariff and public improvements, the former, perhaps, is not yet at rest, and the latter will excite boisterous discussions. It happens that both these measures fall in with the Western interests, and it is their secession from the agricultural States which gives such strength to the manufacturing and consolidating parties, on these two questions. The latter is the most dreaded, because thought to amount to a determination in the Federal Government to assume all powers non-enumerated as well as enumerated in the Constitution, and by giving a loose to construction, make the text say whatever will relieve them from the bridle of the States. These are difficulties for your day; I shall give them the slip."

It had been arranged that the University should be opened on the 1st of February, 1825. But when that period came, three of the professors had not arrived from England. Jefferson evinced great uneasiness. He wrote Cabell, January 11th, that he was "dreadfully nonplussed." Then came intelligence of a desolating Atlantic storm, in which shipping had greatly suffered, and his anxiety for the safety of these gentlemen reached a painful point. He subsequently learned from Cabell, however, that they were safe in an English port (Plymouth), on the 5th of December, and this good news, he said, " raised him from the dead, for he was almost ready to give up the ship." Another of his letters, February 20th, states that the professors have arrived, and that they "excite strong presumptions that they have been judiciously selected." The opening of the University was then announced for the 7th of March, but it did not take place until April.

His expectations in regard to the professors, were fully satisfied on his first acquaintance with those gentlemen; and he never, subsequently, had occasion to change his mind.' His

He wrote the Honorable J. Evelyn Denison, M.P. (of England), November 9th, 1825: "It has been peculiarly fortunate that the Professors brought from abroad were as happy selections as could have been hoped, as well for their qualifications in science as correctness and amiableness of character;" and to Mr. Giles, December 26th: "Our University has been most fortunate in the five professors procured from England. A finer selection could not have been made. Besides their being of a grade of science which has left little superior behind, the correctness of their moral character, their accommo

personal relations with them became most agreeable. They were regularly invited to Monticello three times a week, and each understood that if his inclination carried him there oftener, his welcome would be always cordial.

Professor Dunglison-the present well-known Doctor Dunglison of Philadelphia-subsequently, but while the facts remained fresh in his memory, wrote an account of his journey to Charlottesville, and of his observations after his arrival. These memoranda were made currente calamo, merely for the gratification of a near and dear relative. But as they contained the only particular account of Mr. Jefferson's last illness drawn up by his medical attendant, an application for the facts, made under the sanction of Mr. Jefferson's family, scarcely admitted of a refusal-and having opened these private records to us, Dr. Dunglison kindly permitted us to further select at our discretion any passages which would throw light on other parts of our subject. The extracts which follow are given in the order of their occurrence, though they were often widely separated by intervening matter and topics.

After mentioning that he and his wife were welcomed to Richmond, by Mr. Jefferson's son-in-law, ex-Governor Randolph (then in the Legislature), and by Thomas Jefferson Randolph who had been dispatched to Richmond, by his grandfather, to meet the travellers and make suitable arrangements for their journey to Charlottesville, Dr. Dunglison proceeds to say:

"Soon afterwards [the arrival at Charlottesville] the venerable ex-President presented himself, and welcomed us with that dignity and kindness for which he was celebrated. He was then eighty-two years old, with his intellectual powers unshaken by age, and the physical man so active that he rode to and from Monticello, and took exercise on foot with all the activity of one twenty or thirty years younger. He sympathized with us on the discomforts of our long voyage, and on the disagreeable journey we must have passed over the Virginia roads; and depicted to us the great distress he had felt lest we had been lost at sea-for he had almost given us up when my letter arrived with the joyful intelligence we were safe.

"The houses [the professors' houses or "pavilions" of the University] were much better furnished than we had expected to find them, and would have been far more commodious had Mr. Jefferson consulted his excellent and competent daughter, Mrs.

dating dispositions, and zeal for the prosperity of the institution, leave us nothing to wish. I verily believe that as high a degree of education can now be obtained here, as in the country they left."

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