The mode of choosing members. The time for which they are chosen. The members of this House are chosen by the people directly, and the only qualifications required for the exercise of this right, are those prescribed by the people themselves, in the several States; in some of which a certain amount of property is necessary, and in others none. To remove all ground for complaint against the general government, on this score, the citizens of each State are to elect members of Congress, subject only to those restrictions they have thought proper to adopt in reference to their local legislature. ment. The time for which the members of this House are chosen, is that which was considered as the best medium between too great frequency of election, which occasions instability, and too long a period of service, which renders the representative forgetful of his dependence on the people, and lessens their influence over the measures of governTwo years is supposed sufficient to allow the member to become acquainted with the situation and interests of the country. Less time would not afford him the opportunity of being useful : more, might lead him to abuse his power. By this means, the people can control the legislature, by changing its members, if they think their interests require it; or, if satisfied, they can re-elect the same persons as long as they approve of their conduct. The quali- The only qualifications required for a refications of members. presentative, are, that he shall be twenty-five years of age, and at least seven years a citizen of the United States; and, at the time of his election, an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. The House is thus open to every one of mature age, who has been a citizen of the country long enough to lose his attachment to the land of his birth (if he be a foreigner), and have his interests completely identified with those of this nation. With these requisities, he must depend upon his talents, or his abilities, to procure the votes of his fellow citizens. The provision that he should be an inhabitant of the State in which he is chosen, is intended to secure representatives with a proper degree of knowledge of the wants of their constituents, and interest in their welfare; by preventing strangers of intriguing or imposing powers from being selected. At the same time, it is to be remembered, that every member, when elected, is to legislate for the nation, and not for his immediate constituents only; and therefore, though it is highly useful, that the situation and the wants of each particular district be known, and considered in the national councils; yet the members are to legislate for the good of the whole, even if their own interests, or those of their immediate constituents, must be thereby sacrificed. It is only in this way that the general good can be promoted, and the ultimate advantage of the particular districts secured; any other principle would make the members of this House mere organs of local policy, and short-sighted selfishness; not the representatives of a great nation. Happily the occasions of such a conflict between local and general interests, occur but seldom; E The apportionment of Representatives. The repre Slaves. and far more rarely than people are apt to imagine; for it is generally true, that private and individual interests are identified with the general good; however, temporary excitement, or interested policy, may, for a time, prevent its being perceived and acknowledged by all. The apportionment of representatives was one of the greatest difficulties the framers of the Constitution had to encounter. The smaller States claimed a right, as independent sovereignties, to an equal share in the general government; while the larger ones insisted upon having an influence proportioned to the number of their inhabitants. It was long, before either would recede from their pretensions on this point; but the contest finally terminated in a compromise, by which the larger States were allowed their just share of influence in one House, and the equality of the smaller States was recognised and admitted in the other. In settling the ratio of representation, ansentation of other difficulty arose, respecting the slaves, who form so large a portion of the inhabitants of some of the States. To compute them among the numbers represented, would be giving them an importance to which their character did not entitle them; or, rather, would be introducing a representation of property, contrary to the general tenor of the Constitution; to omit them altogether, in the computation, would be to reduce the influence of the southern States, in a manner to which they would never consent. As a medium between these, it was agreed that five slaves should be accounted as three citizens, in arranging the representation, and the apportionment computed accordingly. as re Direct To counterbalance, in some degree, this concession to the southern States, direct taxes taxes ap are to be apportioned by the same rule portioned. presentation; so that the same cause which increases their influence in the national Legislature, subjects them to the necessity of making larger contributions to the national treasury, when that mode of taxation is resorted to. The cen The enumeration is made by law, through out the Union, every ten years; and the ra- sus. tio of representation is fixed by act of Congress, as may be deemed expedient; with this limitation, that every State shall have at least one representative. tion. It is a mistake to suppose that the advanThe printage of representation depends upon num- ciple of rebers. The true principle is, that the legisla- presentators, and those connected with them, shall be affected by the laws they make, in the same manner as the rest of the community. Without this, there can be no true representation; with it, most of the advantages of the system may be enjoyed, though the mode of choosing the representatives be very imperfect. In England, many of the most important benefits of representative government are attained, though the members of Parliament are chosen by a comparatively small part of the people; while Ireland is oppressed, notwithstanding her hundred members. in the House of Commons, because the ma The num resenta tives.. jority are not affected by the laws regulating that unfortunate island. The same must have been the case with this country, if we had been admitted to representation in the British Parliament; any number of members we could have sent, would have constituted but a small minority, whose voice would have been drowned in the overwhelming clamours of an interested majority, and whose efforts would have been ineffectual to restrain the course of European policy. The nominal representation might have amused the people with the idea of liberty, but would not have prevented their being in fact slaves to a foreign power, who would, unhesitatingly, sacrifice them to the promotion of its own interest. The representative body should be suffiber of Rep- ciently numerous to secure an acquaintance with the local interests of every part of the Union, and comprise a sufficient number for all the purposes of information, discussion, and diffusive sympathy with the wants and wishes of the people. Any thing beyond this, neither promotes deliberation, nor increases the public safety. Numerous assemblies of men, however carefully selected, are apt to be swayed, more by passion than by reason; and it has been truly said, "had every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenian assembly would still have been a mob." Ratio of tation. The Constitution provides that "the numRepresen- ber of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand; but each state shall have at least one representative." actual enumeration (called "taking the An |
