schoolmaster, was killed in action. The suspension (times white satin breeches. Buckles were fashion

of all public education, which led to the fate of such men, and the fact stated above, that all public worship was now at an end, most forcibly shewed the calamitous state of the country during this eventful period."

family out of the window over the front door, from the time of his decease until after the funeral. The last instance which is remembered of this, was in

able till within 15 or 20 years, and a man could not have remained in a ball room with shoe-strings. It was usual for the bride, bridegroom and maids, and men attending, to go to church together three successive Sundays after the wedding, with a change of dress each day. A gentleman who deceased not "Men at this time, and their general too, had nolong since, appeared the first Sunday in white broad thing but water to drink-they commonly wore cloth-the second in blue and gold; the third in homespun clothes, which lacked warmth-they slept peach bloom and pearl buttons. It was a custom in damp places, according to their means, either to hang the escutcheon of a deceased head of a with or without a blanket; he was well off who had one to himself; the one half of the general's had been burnt-they were content to feed upon sweet potatoes, either with or without beef; there being the case of gov. Hancock's uncle, 1764. Copies of neither mills nor leisure to grind corn-but all sigh. the escutcheon, painted on black silk, were more ed for salt-for salt! that article of the first neces- anciently distributed among the pall-bearers-rings sity to the human race. Little do the luxurious of afterwards-and, until within a few years, gloves. the present day know of the pressure of such a Dr. A. Eliot had a mug full of rings which were want. Salt, when brought from the sea-shore off presented to him at funerals. Till within about 20 Waccanaw, where it was coarsely manufactured, years gentlemen wore powder, and many of them brought at that time ten silver dollars, each more sat from thirty to forty minutes under the barthan ten at present; thus bay salt,one half brine,sold ber's hands, to have their hair craped; suffering no for at least one hundred dollars value of this day. inconsiderable pain most of the time from hair-pulAs soon as general Marion could collect a sufficient ling, and sometimes from the hot curling tongs.→ quantity of this desirable article, he distributed it out from Snow's Island, on Pedee, in quantities not exceeding a bushel, to each Whig family, and thus endeared himself the more to his followers."

THE OLDEN TIME.

Crape cushions and hoops were indispensable in full dress, till within about 30 years. Sometimes ladies were dressed the day before the party, and slept in easy chairs, to keep their hair in fit condition for the following night. Most ladies went to parties on foot, if they could not get a cast in a friend's carriage or chaise. Gentlemen rarely had a chance to ride.

There is in course of publication, in the Boston Gazette, the long-hoarded literary treasures of an The latest dinner hour was 2 o'clock; some offiaccurate observer's common-place-book, giving us cers of the colonial government dined later occaan amusing view of the society and manners of Bos- sionally. In genteel families ladies went to drink ton, rather less than a century ago-differing some-tea about 4 o'clock, and rarely staid after candle what, it will be seen, from those of the present day. light in summer. It was the fashion for ladies to These sketches, one of the numbers of which will propose to visit-not to be sent for. be found below, are appropriately headed

REMINISCENCES.

Dress, &c.—Seventy years ago cocked hats, wigs, and red cloaks, were the usual dress of gentlemen, boots were rarely seen, except among military men. Shoe strings were worn only by those who could not buy any sort of buckles. In winter round coats were used, made stiff with buckram; they came

down to the knees in front.

The drinking of punch in the forenoon, in public houses, was a common practice with the most respectable men, till about five and twenty years; and evening clubs were very common. The latter, it is said, were more common formerly, as they af forded the means of communion on the state of the

country. Dinner parties were very rare. Wine was very little in use; convivial parties drank punch or toddy. Half-boots came into fashion about 30 years ago. The first pair that appeared in Boston were worn by a young gentleman who came here from New York, and who was more remarkable for his boots than any thing else. Within 20 years gentleBall dress for gentlemen was silk coat, and breech-men wore scarlet coats with black velvet collars, es of the same, and embroidered waistcoats-some- and very costly buttons, of mock pearl, aut steel, or

Before the revolution boys wore wigs and cocked hats; and boys of genteel families wore cocked bats till within about thirty years.

painted glass-and neckcloths edged with lace, and a tradesman-(it was not a common thing in those laced ruffles over the hands. Before the revolution, days for tradesmen to eat fresh meat-)the justice from 5 to 600l. was the utmost of annual expendi- went out, saying, he would send the tradesman a ture in those families where carriages and corres- sallad for his lamb. He sent an overdue and unpondent domestics were kept. There were only paid tax-bill. Soon after, the tradesman met the two or three carriages, that is, chariots or coaches, justice near this place, and told him be would rein 1750. Chaises on four wheels, not phatons, turn his kindness; which he did, by hanging the jus. were in use in families of distinction. tice up by the waistband of his breeches to the

The history of Liberty Tree is said to be this: | butcher's hook, and leaving him to get down as he could. That a certain capt. McIntosh illuminated the tree, and hung upon it effigies of obnoxious characters, and that these were taken down by the liberty boys and burnt; and the tree thus got its name.

The Popes--A stage was erected on wheels; on this stage was placed a figure in the chair, called the pope; behind him a female figure, in the atti tude of dancing, whom they called Nancy Dawson; behind her Admiral Byng hanging on a gallows; and behind him the devil. A similar composition was made at the south-end, called south-end pope. In the day time the processions, each drawing with them their popes and their attendants, met and passed each other, on the mill or drawbridge, very civilly; but in the evening they met at the same points, and battle ensued with fists, sticks, and stones; and one or the other of the popes was captured. The north-end pope was never taken but once, and then the captain had been early wounded and taken from the field. These pope conflicts were held in memory of the powder-plot of Nov. 5, and were some sort of imitation of what was done in England on the same anniversary.

FROM BOTTA'S AMERICAN REVOLUTION One of the most interesting works that has ever appeared as a history of "the war of the independence of the United States of America," was writ. ten by Mr. Charles Botta, an Italian, a translation of which has been made by Mr. George Alexander Otis. From these volumes we extract the two speeches that follow-previous to the insertion of which, it is necessary to give the "notice of the author" in relation to them. By way of preface to his work, Mr. Botta says

"There will be found, in the course of this history, several discourses, of a certain length. Those I have put in the mouth of the different speakers have really been pronounced by them, and upon those very occasions which are treated of in the work. I should, however, mention that I have, sometimes, made a single orator say what has been said in substance by others of the same party.— Sometimes, also, but rarely, using the liberty, granted in all times to historians, I have ventured to add a small number of phrases, which appeared to me to coincide perfectly with the sense of the orator, and proper to enforce his opinion: this has happened especially in the two discourses pronounced before congress, for and against independence, by Richard Henry Lee and John Dickinson.

A man used to ride on an ass, with immense jack boots, and his face covered with a horrible mask, and was called Joyce, Jr. His office was to assemble men and boys in mob style, and ride in the middle of them, and in such company to terrify the adherents to royal government, before the revolution. The tumults which resulted in the massacre, 1770, was excited by such means. Joyce, Junior, was said to have a particular whistle, which brought his ad-time has accomplished. I affirm that these remarkherents, &c. whenever they were wanted.

About 1730 to 1740, there was no meat market; there were only four shops in which fresh meat was sold-one of them was the corner of State-street and Cornhill, where Mr. Hartshorn now keeps.Gentlemen used to go the day before and have their names put down for what they wanted. Outside of this shop was a large hook, on which carcasses used to hang. A little man who was a justice of the peace, came one day for meat; but came too late. He was disappointed, and asked to whom such and such pieces were to go? One of them was to go to

"It will not escape attentive readers, that in some of these discourses are found predictions which

able passages belong entirely to the authors cited. In order that these might not resemble those of the poets, always made after the fact, I have been so scrupulous as to translate them, word for word, from the original."

On the 8th of June [1776], says Mr. Botta, a motion being made in congress to declare independence, Richard Henry Lee, one of the deputies from Virginia, spoke as follows and was heard with profound attention:

"I know not, whether among all the civil discords which have been recorded by historians, and

which have been excited either by the love of lib have found among all other nations. And as at erty in the people, or by the ambition of princes, first our forbearance, and then our resistance, have there has ever been presented a deliberation more proved equally insufficient, since our prayers were interesting or more important than that which now unavailing, as well as the blood lately shed; we engages our attention; whether we consider the fu- must go further, and proclaim our independnece.→ ture destiny of this free and virtuous people, or Nor let any one believe that we have any other op that of our enemies themselves, who, notwithstand-tion left. The time will certainly come when the ing their tyranny and this cruel war, are still our fated seperation must take place, whether you will brethren, and descended from a commnn stock; or or no; for so it is decreed by the very nature of finally, that of the other nations of the globe, things, the progressive increase of our population whose eyes are intent upon this great spectacle, the fertility of our soil, the extent of our territory, and who anticipate from our success more freedom the industry of our countrymen, and the immensifor themselves, or from our defeat apprehend heavity of the ocean which seperates the two states.er chains and a severer bondage. For the question And if this be true, as is most true, who does not is not whether we shall acquire an increase of ter-see that the sooner it takes place the better; and ritorial domision, or wickedly wrest from others that it would be not only imprudent, but the height their just possessions; but whether we shall pre-of folly, not to seize the present occasion, when serve, or lose forever, that liberty which we have British injustice has filled all hearts with indigna inherited from our ancestors, which we have pursued tion, inspired all minds with courage, united all opin across tempestuous seas, and which we have defend-ions in one, and put arms in every hand? And how ed in this land against barbarous men, ferocious long must we traverse three thousand miles of beasts, and an inclement sky. And if so many and stormy sea, to go and solicit of arrogant and inso distinguished praises have always been lavished lent men either councils or commands to regulate. upon the generous defenders of Greek and of Ro- our domestic affairs? Does it not become a great, man liberty, what will be said of us who defend a rich, and powerful nation, as we are, to look at liberty which is founded not upon the capricious home, and not abroad, for the government of its will of an unstable multitude, but upon immutable own concerns? And how can a ministry of stran Statutes and tutelary laws; not that which was the gers judge, with any discernment, of our interests, exclusive privilege of a few patricians, but that when they know not, and when it little importe which is the property of all; not that which was them to know, what is good for us, and what is not? stained by iniquitous ostracisms, or the horrible The past injustice of the British ministers should decimation of armies, but that which is pure, tem- warn us against the future, if they should ever perate and gentle, and conformed to the civiliza- seize us again in their cruel claws. Since it has tion of the present age. Why then do we longer pleased our barbarous enemies to place before us, procrastinate, and wherefore are these delays? Let the alternative of slavery or of independence» us complete the enterprize already so well com- where is the generous minded man and the lover menced; and since our union with England can no of his country who can hesitate to choose? With longer consist with that liberty and peace which are these perfidious men no promise is secure, no our chief delight, let us dissolve these fatal ties, pledges sacred. Let us suppose, which heaven and conquer forever that good which we already avert, that we are conquered; let us suppose an enjoy; an entire and absolute independence. accommodation. What assurance have we of the "But ought I not to begin by observing, that if British moderation in victory, or good faith in treawe have reached that violent extremity, beyond ty? Is it their having enlisted and let loose against which nothing can any longer exist between Ameri- us the ferocious Indians, and the merciless solca and England, but either such war or such peace diers of Germany? Is it that faith, so often pledged as are made between foreign nations, this can only and so often violated in the course of the present be imputed to the insatiable cupidity, the tyranni- contest; this British faith, which is reputed more cal proceedings, and the outrages, for ten years re- false than Punic? We ought rather to expect, that iterated, of the British ministers. What have we when we shall have fallen naked and unarmed inte not done to restore peace, to re-establish harmony? their hands, they will wreak upon us their fury and Who has not heard our prayers, and who is igno. their vengeance; they will load us with heavier rant of our supplications? They have wearied the chains, in order to deprive us not only of the pow universe. England alone was deaf to our complaints, er, but even of the hope of again recovering our and wanted that compassion towards us which we liberty. But I am willing to admit, although it is

a thing without example, that the British govern- glorious a destiny. There are some who seem to ment will forget past offences and perform its dread the effects of this resolution. But will Eng. promises; can we imagine, that, after so long dis- land, or can she, manifest against us greater vi sentions, after so many outrages, so many com- gour and rage than she has already displayed? She bats, and so much bloodshed, our reconciliation deems resistance against oppression no less rebelcould be durable, and that every day, in the midst liou than independence itself. And where are those of so much batred and rancour, would not afford formidable troops that are to subdue the Americans? some fresh subject of animosity? The two nations What the English could not do, can it be done by Gerare already seperated in interest and affections; the mans? Are they more brave or better disciplined? one is conscious of its ancient strengh, the other The number of our enemies is increased; but our has become acquainted with its newly exerted own is not diminished, and the battles we have susforce; the one desires to rule in an arbitary manner, tained have given us the pratice of a ms and the exthe other will not obey even if allowed its privil-perience of war. Who doubts then that a declaration eges. In such a state of things, what peace, what of independence will procure us allies? All nations concord, can be expected. The Americans may are desirous of procuring, by commerce, the probecome faithful friends to the English, but subjects, duction of our exuberant soil; they will visit our never. And even though union could be restored ports hitherto closed by the monopoly of insatiawithour rancour, it could not without danger.-ble England. They are no less eager to contemThe wealth and power of Great Britain should in-plate the reduction of her hated power; they all spire prudent men with fears for the future. Hav-loathe her barbarous dominion; their succours will ing reached such a height of grandeur that she has evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they no longer any thing to dread from foreign powers, bear them for having been the first to shake the founin the security of peace the spirit of her people dation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait only will decay, manners will be corrupted, her youth for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to will grow up in the midst of vice, and in this state throw off their present reserve. If this measure of degeneration, England will become the prey of a is useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. Ameforeign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we re- rica has arrived at a degree of power which assigns main united with her, we shall partake of her cor- her a place among independent nations; we are not ruptions and misfortunes, the more to be dreaded less entitled to it than the English themselves. If as they will be irreparable; seperated from her, on they have wealth, so also have we; if they are brave, the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to so are we; if they are more numerous, our populafear the seductions of peace nor the dangers of tion, through the incredible fruitfulness of our war. By a declaration of our freedom, the perils chaste wives, will soon equal theirs; if they have would not be increased; but we should add to the men of renown as well in peace as in war, we likeardour of our defenders, and to the splendour of wise have such; political revolutions usually provictory. Let us then take a firm step and escape duce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what from this labyrinth; we have assumed the sovereign we have already achieved in these painful begin power, and dare not confess it, we disobey a king, nings, it is easy to presume what we shall hear and acknowledge ourselves his subjects; wage war after accomplish, for experience is the source of sage against a people, on whom we incessantly protest counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men. our desire to depend. What is the consequence of Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexingso many inconsistencies? Hesitation paralyzes all ton by thirty thousand citizens armed and assemour measures; the way we ought to pursue is not bied in one day? Already their most celebrated marked out; our generals are neither respected nor obeyed; our soldiers have neither confidence nor zeal; feeble at home, and little considered abroad, foreign princes can neither esteem nor succour so timid and wavering a people. But independence favorable omen, and fight, not for the sake of know. once proclaimed, and our object avowed, more man- ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of Eng. ly and decided measures will be adopted, all mindstand, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to will be fired by the greatness of the enterprize, found a just and independent government. Animathe civil magistrates will be inspired with new zeal, ted by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumera the generals with fresh ardour, and the citizens ble army of Persians; sustained by the love of in with greater constancy, to attain so high and so dependence, the Swiss and the Dutch humbled the

generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours; already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean, where they are the sport of tempest, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the

power of Austria by memorable defeats, and conquered a rank among nations. But the sun of America also shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the cause of country.

in which the debates and disputes upon the question of independence were many and vehement. John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the province to the general congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most zealous partizans of American liberty, restricted however to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is said, in the following manner against independence:

"Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate? Let this most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise, not to devas- "It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, tate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of heated by the spirit of party, give more importance peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of fixed upon us! she demands of us a living example objects, than either to reason or justice; thus evinof freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of cing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which excite them; not to repress the passions, but to indesolates her polluted shores. She invites us to flame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find so to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. lace, and the persecuted repose. She intreats us They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous their own ambition, to flatter the caprices of the mul plant, which first sprung up and grew in England, titude, in order to captivate their favour. Accordbut is now withered by the poisonous blasts of ingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, shelter. and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, ing under its salubrious and interminable shade all perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, the unfortunate of the human race. This is the to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. end presaged by so many omens, by our first vic- Upon this principle I invite the attention of those tories, by the present ardour and union, by the who hear me, since my opinion may differ from that flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared amongst Danmore's people, by the very winds by all impartial and moderate citizens, who conwhich baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and demn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we precipitation to the most serious and important of are not this day wanting in our duty to country, decisions. But, coming to the subject in controthe names of the American legislators will be pla-versy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon obced, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of jects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens."

which offer only uncertainty. Now, it is an estab lished fact, that America can be well and happily governed by the English laws, under the same king and the same parliament. Two hundred years of Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubi- happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it ous signs of approbation were manifested on all also in the present prosperity, which is the result of parts. But the deputies of Pennsylvania and Mary- these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is land not being present, and the congress desirous, not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic, by ɛome delay, to evidence the maturity of their debut as monarchy, that we have arrived at this deliberations, adjourned the futher consideration of gree of power and of greatness.

the subject to the first of July. Meanwhile the "What then is the object of these chimeras, hatchpatriots babored strenuously to induce the two dised in the days of discord and of war? Shall the senting provinces also to decide for independence. transports of fury have more power over us than the They employed the most earnest persuasions, to experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in an mowhich they added also threats, intimating that not ment of anger, the work cemented and tested by only would the other colonies exclude them from time? the confederation, but that they would immediately treat them as enemies. The provincial assembly of Pennsylvania remained inflexible. At leng h, the inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention,

"I know the name of liberty is dear to each one of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even u ger the English monarchy? Shall we this day rendance that to go and seek it in I know not what form. of