so much about his religion as I do about that of the rest. There certainly was not a Unitarian among us.1

I

am, my dear Sir,

Faithfully yours,

ROBLEY DUNGLISON.

The Review last quoted' also declared, "The University was opened, and, as is well known, all religious instruction was excluded." Long before the institution "opened," namely on the 7th of October 1822, Mr. Jefferson in his annual report, as Rector, to the President and Directors of the Literary Fund, said:

"In the same report of the Commissioners of 1818," it was stated by them that in conformity with the principles of our constitution, which places all sects of religion on an equal footing, with the jealousies of the different sects in guarding that equality from encroachment or surprise, and with the sentiments of the Legislature in favor of freedom of religion, manifested on former occasions, they had not proposed that any professorship of divinity should be established in the University; that provision, however, was made for giving instruction in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages, the depositories of the originals and of the earliest and most respected authorities of the faith of every sect; and for courses of ethical lectures, developing those moral obligations in which all sects agree; that proceeding thus far without offence to the constitution, they had left at this point to every sect to take into their own hands the office of further instruction in the peculiar tenets of each.

"It was not, however, to be understood that instruction in religious opinions and duties was meant to be precluded by the public authorities, as indifferent to the interests of society. On the contrary, the relations which exist between man and his Maker, and the duties resulting from those relations, are the most interesting and important to every human being, and the most incumbent on his study and investigation. The want of instruction in the various creeds of religious faith existing among our citizens, presents therefore a chasm in a general institution of the useful sciences. But it was thought that this want, and the intrustment to each society of instruction in its own doctrines, were evils of less danger than a permission to the public authorities to dictate modes or principles of religious instruction-or than opportunities furnished them of giving countenance or ascendency to any one sect over another. A remedy, however, has been suggested

1 Messrs. Long and Key were subsequently appointed to professorships in the London University. Professor Bonnycastle continued in the Virginia University until his death, in 1841, and Professor Emmet (son of Thomas Addis Emmet), until his death in 1842. There was not an obscure man among the professors appointed during Mr. Jefferson's life-not one whose private character and general religious principles do not readily admit of sufficient showing to satisfy all whether he was likely to prove, or was probably selected with reference to being made, an instrument for the religious corruption of youth, under anybody's definition of that word.

2 We simply quote the New York Review and Quarterly Church Journal as containing the only tangible public examples, within our convenient reach, of assertions in regard to the University, which in their general import have not been uncommon among the enemies of Jefferson.

3 Drawn up by Mr. Jefferson.

of promising aspect, which, while it excludes the public authorities from the dominion of religious freedom, would give to the sectarian schools of divinity the full benefit of the public provisions made for instruction in the other branches of science. These branches are equally necessary to the divine as to the other professional or civil characters, to enable them to fulfill the duties of their calling with understanding and usefulness. It has, therefore, been in contemplation, and suggested by some pious individuals who perceive the advantages of associating other studies with those of religion, to establish their religious schools on the confines of the University, so as to give to their students ready and convenient access and attendance on the scientific lectures of the University, and to maintain by that means those destined for the religious professions on as high a standing of science and of personal weight and respectability, as may be obtained by others from the benefits of the University. Such establishments would offer the further and great advantage of enabling the students of the University to attend religious exercises with the professor of their particular sect, either in the rooms of the building, and destined to that purpose under impartial regulations, as proposed in the same report of the Commissioners, or in the lecturing room of such professor. To such propositions the Visitors are disposed to lend a willing ear, and would think it their duty to give every encouragement by assuring those who might choose such a location for their schools, that the regulations of the University should be so modified and accommodated as to give every facility of access and attendance to their students with such regulated use also, as may be permitted to the other students, of the library, which may hereafter he acquired, either by public or private munificence; but always understanding that these schools shall be independent of the University and of each other. Such an arrangement would complete the circle of the useful sciences embraced by this institution, and would fill the chasm now existing, on principles which would leave inviolate the constitutional freedom of religion, the most inalienable and sacred of all human rights over which the people and authorities of this State, individually and publicly, have ever manifested the most watchful jealousy; and could their jealousy be now alarmed, in the opinion of the Legislature, by what is here suggested, the idea will be relinquished on any surmises of disapprobation which they may think proper to express."

If the proposition here made to the different sects, on terms so liberal, had been accepted by them, the University of Virginia would now comprise the most extensive school of Theology in the world. It was not accepted.

1 The omission in the plan of the University, to make provision for religious instruction, has been misconstrued by many candid persons because they have not understood the true nature of that institution. They look round on the American colleges, and see such a provision generally made in them. But these schools have mostly been founded by particular sects, and if they have received State aid, it has been in consideration that others, founded by other sects, have received a proportionate degree of aid. By such an arrangement, each college may employ religious teachers of the denomination of its founders, without requiring the State, when extending its aid, to give preference to a particular sect, and without unfairness in practice-because every pupil can choose his own school, and because it is presumable that the number of both colleges and scholars of each sect, will be proportioned to the number of that sect, and consequently to its contributions to and claims on the public treasury. But none of our State governments have, at least of late years, assessed their population, or taken their public money to build up a general and exclusive system of schools placed under the religious supervision of one sect; nor have they invited a struggle between sects by allowing a majority of

Mr. Jefferson's offer was no empty flourish. Among the enactments the University were engrafted the following:

CHAPTER II. SEC. 1.

27. Should the religious sects of this State, or any of them, according to the invitation held out to them, establish within, or adjacent to, the precincts of the University, schools of instruction in the religion of their sect, the students of the University will be free, and expected to attend religious worship at the establishment of their respective sects, in the morning, and in time to meet their School in the University at its stated hour.

28. The students of such religious schools, if they attend any School of the Uni

patrons or pupils to say what sect shall exercise such supervision, either generally or in each particular school. No sect is now allowed to preach or otherwise inculcate its tenets in the common schools of any State. In most of the States there is no provision for religious instruction in the common schools: and in some it is directly prohibited, unless as a purely voluntary affair outside of school hours. And we believe it is now generally held that no pupil shall be compelled to join in any religious services contrary to the faith or expressed wishes of his parents. Yet it is not customary to speak of this as an intended exclusion" of religion from the schools-as proof of a design to corrupt unsuspecting youth.

The Virginia University was intended to be as exclusive in its benefits, so far as the appropriation of the public funds went, as is the system of common schools in any State. Its free pupils were to be selected from a secondary class of schools, and the free pupils of this secondary class, from the primary schools-all forming parts of a State system of education, of which the primary schools were to be the base, and the Virginia University was to be the apex-all mainly supported by public funds taken from the treasury, or raised by taxation on the people, without reference to their religious beliefs. It was a part of the avowed plan and intention of the founders of the University, that it, and it alone, should complete the education of the free pupils supported by the public funds. It follows, then, that if that institution was placed under the religious supervision or influence of any particular sect, the public money of all sects would be used for the benefit of one. Nor could this difficulty be obviated, as has been sometimes partially done, by employing (literary) professors of different sects to take turns in leading in religious services and preaching, because, in an institution belonging to the whole State, and purely exclusive in its benefits, it would be necessary to give every sect contributing to the public funds, its turn in leading in religious services and preaching, and consequently, officers of the institution to discharge these duties. But there are, doubtless, three times as many sects in Virginia as there are professors of the University; and probably nobody would consent to employ the public funds in maintaining an army of mere chaplains. And again, how could the religious services be proportioned among the sects? Should the Unitarian occupy the pulpit as often as the Episcopalian, one representing ten or twenty as many tax-payers as the other? Or should separate chapels be built for all the sects?

There were but two practicable alternatives. Mr. Jefferson presented one. The other was to leave religious instruction in the University on the same footing in which it is left in the common schools of the different States. The rejection of Mr. Jefferson's proposal, rendered the second alternative inevitable.

While there can be no good ground for treating the attitude of the Virginia University and of the common schools of the States as an antagonistic one to religion, it appears to us that no reflecting man can fail to deplore the unnatural divorce between religious and intellectual culture, which circumstances compel in the public schools of our country, unless we choose to establish State religions, or unless we throw back popular education on that voluntary basis which never has succeeded in supplying even rudimentary education to the general mass of any numerous people. Never was there a more false, or a more dangerous dogma-quite too prevalent in our country-that our common schools," of themselves, insure society and the State; that a knowledge of reading, writing, and one or two other elementary branches, is a sufficient pledge in general of good citizenship. Home and church influences may supply the religious "chasm," as Mr. Jefferson termed it, in public education-but these influences are sometimes wanting-and in all cases they would be vastly strengthened and benefited by a systematic daily religious culture in the schools. The want of the latter element is the great defect of American public education.

versity, shall be considered as students of the University, subject to the same regu ations, and entitled to the same rights and privileges.

And these continue to be laws of the University to the present time. A letter from Jefferson to Dr. Cooper, of November 2d, 1822, shows that he then was under the expectation that the religious sects would accept the offer thus made to them, and that he considered it highly desirable that they should do so.

We go back to Mr Jefferson's miscellaneous correspondence in 1820. The appalling sacrifice of private property which took place that year in Virginia, was thus described to H. Nelson, March 12th, fully verifying Colonel Benton's already quoted

statements:

"This State is in a condition of unparalleled distress. The sudden reduction of the circulating medium from a plethory to all but annihilation is producing an entire revolution of fortune. In other places I have known lands sold by the sheriff for one year's rent; beyond the mountain we hear of good slaves selling for one hundred dollars, good horses for five dollars, and the sheriff's generally the purchasers. Our produce is now selling at market for one-third of its price, before this commercial catastrophe, say flour at three and a quarter and three and a half dollars the barrel. We should have less right to expect relief from our legislators if they had been the establishers of the unwise system of bank. A remedy to a certain degree was practicable, that of reducing the quantum of circulation gradually to a level with that of the countries with which we have commerce, and an eternal abjuration of paper. But they have adjourned without doing anything. I fear local insurrections against these horrible sacrifices of property."

On hearing that Spain had declined to ratify the treaty of 'the previous year, for the cession of the Floridas, by which the United States had surrendered Texas to Spain, Jefferson wrote to the President (May 14th):

"I confess to you I am not sorry for the non-ratification of the Spanish treaty. Our assent to it has proved our desire to be on friendly terms with Spain: their dissent, the imbecility and malignity of their government towards us, have placed them in the wrong in the eyes of the world, and that is well; but to us the province of Techas will be the richest State of our Union, without any exception. Its southern part will make more sugar than we can consume, and the Red river, on its north, is the most luxuriant country on earth. Florida, moreover, is ours. Every nation in Europe considers it such a right. We need not care for its occupation in time of peace, and, in war, the first cannon makes it ours without offence to anybody. The friendly advisements, too, of Russia and France, as well as the change of government in Spain, now ensured, require a further and respectful forbearance. While their request will rebut the plea of proscriptive possession, it will give us a right to their approbation when taken in the maturity of circumstances. I really think, too, that neither the state of our finances, the condition of our country, nor

the public opinion, urges us to precipitation into war. The treaty has had the valuable effect of strengthening our title to the Techas, because the cession of the Floridas in exchange for Techas imports an acknowledgment of our right to it. This province, moreover, the Floridas and possibly Cuba, will join us on the acknowledgment of their independence, a measure to which their new government will probably accede voluntarily."

In a letter to Short, August 4th, we have the "Monroe Doctrine" full blown :

"From many conversations with him, [M. Correa, appointed minister to Brazil, by the Government of Portugal], I hope he sees, and will promote in his new situation, the advantages of a cordial fraternization among all the American nations, and the importance of their coalescing in an American system of policy, totally independent of and unconnected with that of Europe. The day is not distant, when we may formally require a meridian of partition through the ocean which separates the two hemispheres, on the hither side of which no European gun shall ever be heard, nor an American on the other; and when, during the rage of the eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our regions, shall lie down together in peace.

*

"The principles of society there and here, then, are radically different, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of both Americas, the ferocious and sanguinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coalition begun."

Mr. Jefferson did not approve of all the measures adopted by the Republican party in Congress, under Mr. Monroe's Administration. He lost, however, none of his personal confidence in the President's principles. In a letter to Mr. Ritchie, December 25th, he thus hinted at the measures he disliked:

"As to the two Presidents, late and now in office, I know them both to be of principles as truly republican as any men living. If there be anything amiss, therefore, in the present state of our affairs, as the formidable deficit lately unfolded to us indicates, I ascribe it to the inattention of Congress to their duties, to their unwise dissipation, and waste of the public contributions. They seemed, some little while ago, to be at a loss for objects whereon to throw away the supposed fathomless funds of the treasury. I had feared the result, because I saw among them some of my old fellow-laborers, of tried and known principles, yet often in their minorities. I am aware that in one of their most ruinous vagaries, the people were themselves betrayed into the same phrensy with their representatives. The deficit produced, and a heavy tax to supply it, will, I trust, bring both to their sober senses."

All the Republicans were not so tolerant towards Monroe's course, but he was reëlected President, in 1820, without any opposition. Only one vote in the electoral college was cast