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them to Howe, Hamilton, over the signature of Washington, introduced this observation :

"There is one passage of your letter which I cannot forbear taking particular notice of. No expression of personal politeness to me can be acceptable, accompanied by reflections on the representatives of a free people, under whose authority I have the honor to act. The delicacy I have observed, in refraining from every thing offensive in this way, entitled me to expect a similar treatment from you. I have not indulged myself in invective against the present rulers of Great Britain in the course of our correspondence, nor will I now avail myself of so fruitful a theme."

A few days after, Howe announced his readiness to make a general exchange of prisoners, which was acceded to, and orders were given to remove the English to places most convenient for their delivery. Though approving a general exchange, Congress, referring to a previous resolution, now called for a statement of the accounts of the several States against British prisoners; and declared, that until the balance due to the United States was discharged, no exchange should be made.

When apprised of this decision, Hamilton, over the signature of Washington, addressed a very pointed remonstrance to that body, which has been pronounced “a model of discussion." *

Having stated that, "The unhappy violation of the flag of truce has laid us under no small embarrassment, and has afforded the enemy good grounds for complaints and triumphs at the same time,”—he referred to the frequent sanctions given to his views by Congress. This was followed by an earnest expostulation.

* "Dans une longue lettre, qui est un modèle de discussion des affaires.”— Dewitt's Washington, i. 130.

"But perhaps it may be thought contrary to our interest to go into an exchange, as the enemy would derive more immediate advantage from it than we should. This I shall not deny, but it appeared to me, that on principles of genuine extensive policy, independent of the considerations of compassion and justice, we were under an obligation not to elude it. I have the best evidence that an event of this kind is the general wish of the country. I know it to be the wish of the army; and no one can doubt, that it is the ardent wish of the unhappy sufferers themselves. We need only consult the tide of humanity and sympathies natural to those connected by cements of blood, interest, and a common dread of evil, to be convinced that the prevailing current of sentiment demands an exchange. If the country, the army, and even the prisoners themselves had a precise idea of our circumstances, and could be fully sensible of the disadvantages that might attend the giving our enemy considerable reinforcements without having an equivalent, they might, perhaps, be willing to make a sacrifice of their feelings to the motives of policy. But they have not this knowledge, and cannot be intrusted with it, and their reasonings, of necessity, will be governed by what they feel.

"Were an opinion once to be established, and the enemy and their emissaries know very well how to inculcate it, if they are furnished with a plausible pretext, that we designedly avoided an exchange, it would be a cause of dissatisfaction and disgust to the country and to the army, of resentment and desperation to our captive officers and soldiers; to say nothing of the importance of not hazarding our national character but upon the most solid grounds, especially in our embryo state, from the influence it may have on our affairs abroad; it may not be a little dangerous to beget, in the minds of our own

countrymen, a suspicion that we do not pay the strictest observance to the maxims of honor and good faith. It is prudent to use the greatest caution, not to shock the notions of general justice and humanity universal among mankind, as well in a public as a private view. In a business, on the side of which the passions are so much concerned as in the present, men would be readily disposed to believe the worst, and cherish the most unfavorable conclusions. Were the letters that have passed between General Howe and myself from first to last, and the proceedings of Congress on the same subject, to be published with proper comments, it is much to be feared, if the exchange should be deferred till the terms of the last resolve were fulfilled, that it would be difficult to prevent our being generally accused of a breach of good faith. Perhaps it might be said, that while the enemy refused us justice, we fondly embraced the opportunity to be loud, persevering, incessant in our claims; but the moment they were willing to render it, we receded from ourselves and started new difficulties. This, I say, might be the reasoning of speculative minds, and they might consider all our professions as mere professions, or, at best, that interest and policy were to be the only arbiters of their validity. 'Imputations of this nature would have a tendency to unnerve our operations, by diminishing that respect and confidence which are essential to be placed in those who are at the head of affairs, either in the civil or military line. This, added to the prospect of hopeless captivity, would be a great discouragement to the service. The ill consequences of both would be immense-by increasing the causes of discontent in the army, which are already too numerous, many of which are in a great measure unavoidable-by fortifying that unwillingness which already appears too great, towards entering into the service; and

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of course impeding the progress both of drafting and recruiting by dejecting the courage of the soldiery, from an apprehension of the horrors of captivity; and finally by reducing those, whose lot it is to drink the bitter cup, to a despair which can only find relief by renouncing their attachments and engaging with their captors. These effects have already been experienced in part from the obstacles that have lain in the way of exchanges; but if these obstacles were once to seem the result of system, they would become tenfold."

These views were briefly stated in a private letter from Hamilton to Governor Clinton.* "Lately," he remarks, "a flag with provisions and clothing for the British prisoners, with General Washington's passport, was seized at Lancaster. The affair was attended with circumstances of violence. Still more lately, General Washington's engagement with General Howe for an exchange of prisoners has been violated. Congress have resolved, that no exchange shall take place till all accounts are settled, and the balance due the United States paid. The beauty of it is, that on a fair settlement, we shall, without doubt, be in Mr. Howe's debt; and, in the mean time, we detain his officers and soldiers as a security for the payment. The operation of this resolve, though it does not plainly appear upon the face of it, is to put off an exchange, perhaps for ever. At any rate, it cannot take place all next summer. It is thought to be bad policy to go into an exchange; but, admitting this to be true, it is much worse policy to commit such frequent breaches of faith, and ruin our national character. Whatever refined politicians may think, it is of great consequence to preserve a national character; and if it should once be seen to be a system in any State to violate its faith, whenever it is the least in

VOL. I.-29

* March 12.

convenient to keep it, it will unquestionably have an ill effect upon foreign negotiations, and tend to bring government at home into contempt, and of course to destroy its influence. The general notions of justice and humanity are implanted in almost every human breast, and ought not to be too freely shocked. In the present case, the passions of the country and the army are on the side of an exchange; and a studied attempt to avoid it will disgust both, and tend to make the service odious. It will injure drafting and recruiting, discourage the militia, and increase the discontents of the army. The prospect of hopeless captivity cannot but be very disagreeable to men constantly exposed to the chance of it. Those, whose lot it is to fall into it, will have little scruple to get rid of it by joining the enemy." Having recapitulated the arguments previously used to show the propriety of an exchange, he observes: "And I would ask, whether in a republican State and a republican army, such a cruel policy as that of exposing those men, who are foremost in defence of their country, to the miseries of hopeless captivity, can succeed? "

The expostulation with Congress produced the desired effect. With only three negatives, they authorized the contemplated exchange to proceed, without waiting for a previous settlement of accounts; but directed that it should be a prerequisite to any future cartel.

An arrangement was now made with Howe for a negotiation, and a commission from Washington, drawn up by Hamilton, was issued, appointing him together with others to meet the representatives of Howe. Assurances were in the mean time given to Congress in a letter written by Hamilton of every effort to "exempt citizens from captivity." The commissioners met, but without effecting a cartel. Howe had issued his commission, founded ex

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