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a Clock at Night, though the Constable knew not of his being there till he called him in, and began to beat him.” This evidently gives us the starting of the great fray,” as it is called in the Minutes of the Governor's Council. Evidently Cresson sounded an alarm for help. There came to the scene the chief officers of the City. Deborah Logan has quoted a tradition that, the lights being put out, Joseph Willcox, who was an Alderman, seized one of the roisterers, and beat him. This happened to be the Lieutenant-Governor, suffering in his turn. When Willcox became aware whom he had hold of, he beat him again. The next day, the Attorney-General formally complained to the Governor and Council of the abuse of some gentlemen by the watch, and the support given to the latter by the Mayor, Recorder, and an Alderman, and asked whether, as it was impossible to try them in the Mayor's Court, a trial in another court should be ordered. On examination of the Mayor, Recorder, and Alderman Willcox, it was wisely decided that they had been in no way concerned in the disturbance, except to quell it.

Evans demanded from this Assembly a copy of the Remonstrance sent in the name of the preceding one, and, the members disliking Lloyd's using the word “treachery” and some other harsh expressions, word was sent to the bearer of a copy, who was supposed to be still at New York, to bring it back for further consideration, but he had sailed. Logan says that this Assembly, which declined Evans's demand for a copy, refused to adopt the document as its own, in spite of Lloyd's wily suggestion that such adoption would make it proper to furnish the copy. The statement that the Assembly “disowned the Remonstrance" is true only as to some of its strong language. An address of 3rd month contained the following very careful expression: “Our part is to lament (as we really do) that there should be true occasion for such representation, or, if none, that it should be offered our Proprietary." There was, to be sure, added, without really weakening the effect, "whom we both love and honour." The address, which was the one making the conditional offer of money last mentioned, plainly declared Penn's services to the colony overpaid, if he had failed to secure the royal approbation for the beneficial laws, he having promised to do so, and having promised to make good terms for the People upon a surrender of the government, and having had 20001. voted to him. Assurance was given, rather insultingly, that if said sum was insufficient to negotiate this, so that, as had been mentioned, he felt that he should not be at the expense of a large fee to the Attorney-General, what was right would be done by the House upon receipt of an itemized statement of disbursements. Based on the idea that the quit rents of 1s. per 100 acres had been agreed to in view of the Proprietary's extraordinary expenses in being Governor, there was a complaint that it would be hard, if the purchasers, as the Proprietary was understood to expect, must pay Thomas Lloyd's salary as Governor in Penn's absence, which absence was for the service of England, and not of the Province, while the business which took him home in 1684, the boundary dispute, was still unsettled, to the great discouragement of both Province and Lower Counties.

In protest against the disposition and conduct of the preceding and the sitting Assembly, a letter to Penn was prepared about 3, 23, 1705, and signed, says Logan, by “almost all the profession” (meaning Quakers), declaring abhorrence of the Remonstrance, and willingness to bear all the expense of the government, but, however, itself mentioning a number of things which the signers thought honestly their due.

Old William Biles, who was now an Assemblyman from Bucks, was reported to have spoken thus of Evans: “He is but a boy; he is not fit to be our Governor. We'll kick him out; we'll kick him out." For these words, which he denied using, but which doubtless expressed an opinion and wish common among most of the Quakers, Evans sued Biles for 20001. damages, having the writ served on him the evening that the House adjourned for three weeks. Before the County Court, composed of Evans's friends, Guest, Samuel Finney, Pidgeon, and Edward Farmer, Lloyd, as counsel for Biles, pleaded the privileges of an Assemblyman. The Court overruled this, ordered the defendant to plead over, and, on his refusal, would not grant an imparlance, but gave judgment against him. A jury assessed damages at 3001. Evans, on June 20, sent a message to the reconvened Assembly, demanding the expulsion of Biles forthwith. The Assembly replied, that, as the words were not alleged to have been spoken in the House, it could not examine into the fact whether they had been spoken or not, that such words, the House had no intention to justify, but that the Sheriff, in summoning a member the very day he was attending the Assembly, and the Justices, by their action, had committed a breach of privilege: the Governor was begged to allow Biles to wait upon him, and, wherein he found Biles faulty, to accept a submission, which the House unanimously directed should be made. Evans, infuriated, dismissed the Assembly.

Penn thought the arrest of Biles legal, and had strong feeling against him as a leading opponent in Bucks County, and Penn also, even before he knew the phraseology of the Remonstrance, was so incensed at the want of consideration shown him by Lloyd and other Quakers that he desired, by selling the government, to leave them in the lurch, being convinced that the Queen would annul the privileges which his charters gave. He felt that he could get more justice from his enemies than from the leaders of his co-religionists, for whom he had been fighting: and, in fact, Quary and Moore, of the Church party in the Province, had been friendly with his son, and would incline to the Proprietary rather than the opposite interest. Penn and Quary came into such harmony that the former in 1705 or 1706 submitted to his friends in Pennsylvania the question of admitting Quary to the Governor's Council, but this was not done. In 1707, Logan, managing for Penn, leased Pennsbury to Quary for seven years.

About the first of the year 1705, Penn laid before the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations a draft of an instrument of surrender and the conditions on which it was to be made.

The promise in the treaty of April 30, 1701, mentioned in the chapter on the Red Neighbours, that the Pennsylvania government would befriend the Ganawese and Shawnees, as well as the other Indians, was well observed in comforting them in times of apprehension, and in sending messengers or speaking in treaties to conciliate the Five Nations, who were often reported to be preparing attacks upon the Pennsylvania Indians, and furthermore by Pennsylvania exerting influence upon adjacent governments to restrain their red men and their white men. The Ganawese, after an attack on a party of them by Virginians and the loss of a man, were allowed in 1705 to remove to the Tulpehocken region, and dwell with the Delawares there, Menangy, the leader of the Delawares of those parts, making the request to the provincial government for the permission: but a number continued to reside at Connejaghera, or Conejohela, their location being later described as "above the fort”-Qu. the old Susquehanna Fort at the Falls and also as "several miles above Conestoga." These Ganawese were sometimes called Conewages, apparently after the name of the Creek at the Falls, but the name of Conoy Town was the usual one for the village.

The Fords, after the stating of the account with Penn as to what was owing on April 1, 1702, as mentioned in the last chapter, were disposed to give Penn time to redeem the land of Pennsylvania and the Lower Counties, and postponed the probate of the elder Ford's will, in expectation of the family being provided for by the sums promised to be paid. Perhaps Bridget Ford had more conscience than she has been credited with about calling the original transaction an absolute sale. Probably her advisers thought that nobody at the time would give any more for the property than the redemption price: and the widow and three children were not rich enough to hold that amount of capital in unproductive property to await future profit: otherwise, we, looking back from a time when the region has long been so valuable, must think both Penn and the Fords blind to their respective interests in not quickly effecting a compromise by the allotment of land at Penn's standard price in satisfaction of the amount of the Ford claim. As Penn looked over the accounts carefully, he became convinced that he had been cheated in the method of computing the debt, even that payments made by him or for him to Philip Ford had not been entered. So Penn offered, if the whole account were reopened before Quaker arbitrators mutually chosen, to pay down one half of what they found due, and give security for the payment of the other half. This the Fords refused. They determined, probably for forcing a speedy payment in full, to assert their rights according to the face of the papers, and so brought a bill in Chancery in England to have the agreement to resell to Penn cleared away, and the trusts in Philip Ford's will carried out. The family, moreover, executed a power of attorney, dated January 24, 1704-5, to David Lloyd, Isaac Norris, and John Moore to take possession

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