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CHAPTER LII.

AS FAR as any distinction can be observed between the motives of action in the different sections of the Union, it would appear, that the great anxiety of the Northern States was, that the proposed Government should conform in its structure, to their own popular in

stitutions.

The active genius of their people felt the necessity of conferring powers adequate to the exigencies of the whole Republic; and they were chiefly desirous, by balances in the Constitution, and by limitations in the tenure of office, to check the abuse of those powers.

The Southern States, were more solicitous, lest the new system should interfere with their peculiar condition, and render their wealth tributary to the superior energy and enterprise of those engaged in Navigation. The former cared most for the direction of their strength,* the latter for the protection of their weakness. But, though thus modified by their respective situations, the prevailing sentiment throughout the Confederacy was a vigilant jealousy of their liberties.

* It is related, that at the close of the war, Washington said to General Lincoln, "We know what we Virginians have been fighting for, with our fine farms and climate; but can you tell, what it is, you, New Englanders, have fought for, with your cold and barren lands ?" "Yes," Lincoln replied, "for the liberty of using our heads and our hands."

In those members of the League, whose action on the Constitution has thus far been related, the great mass of talent and of influence had been exerted in its favor. The attention is now called to States of primary importance to the Federal system, where the conflict was more obstinate, the result not less doubtful; the interests and motives more complicated-Virginia, and New York.

It has been previously mentioned, in a letter of General Washington, that, in the counties of Virginia adjacent to his residence, the Constitution "had been embraced with enthusiastic warmth."

Berkeley expressed her gratitude to the delegates in the Federal Convention who had signed it. The clergy of the different denominations were requested to return thanks for the unity of its proceedings, and pledges were given to support it.

In Fredericksburgh, and Petersburgh, both commercial towns, their delegates in the Legislature, then in session, were instructed to vote for a State Convention.

Such influence as Washington felt he could with propriety exert, amid the general expectation, that he was destined to the Presidency, was used by him. Patrick Henry had declined an appointment to the Convention, "to reserve himself," it was said,* "for another sphere, where its result would receive its destiny from his omnipotence." Immediately after his return to Mount Vernon, Washington inclosed a copy of the Constitution to Henry, stating his sincere belief, that it was the best that could be obtained at that time; and, as a Constitutional door was opened for future amendments, that the adoption of it was desirable. "From a variety of concurring accounts," he observed, "it appears to me, that the political concerns of this country are, in a manner, suspended by

* Madison to Washington.

a thread; and that the Convention has been looked up to by the reflecting part of the community, with a solicitude, which is hardly to be conceived; and, if nothing had been agreed upon by that body, anarchy would have ensued, the seeds being deeply sown in every soil." Henry confessed, that he could not accord with the plan.

The Legislature, then sitting at Richmond, took into consideration the call of a State Convention, on the twenty-fifth of October, eighty-seven. A resolution having this object, in pursuance of the recommendation of Congress, was presented by Francis Corbin. It was opposed by Henry, on the ground, that it implied a mere power of acceptance or rejection. He moved an amendment, which the gave power of proposing alterations. In this, Mason concurred, exclaiming "I would have lost this hand before it should have marked my name to the new Government." Marshall, a now great and venerated person, replied "That he would give to future conventions the fullest latitude in their deliberations; the privilege of considering fully and freely the nature of the Government in which we were to live. But, he would not give the impression, that they disapproved the new Government; and, therefore, he moved a substitute, which passed, that a Convention be called, and "the new Constitution be laid before them for their free and ample discussion."

An election was ordered in March, of a Convention to assemble on the second of June. "The new Constitution," Washington wrote to Hamilton, "has, as the public prints will have informed you, been handed to the people of this State by an unanimous vote of the Assembly, but it is not to be inferred from hence, that its opponents are silenced. On the contrary, there are many, and some powerful ones-some of whom, it is said, by over-shooting

the mark, have lessened their weight; be this as it may, their assiduity stands unrivalled, whilst the friends to the Constitution content themselves with barely avowing their approbation of it. Thus stands the matter with us at present, yet my opinion is, that the major voice is favorable."

During all this period, New York was the political centre of the United States. There the General Congress was in session; there were concerted the various devices of the opposition; thence radiated the light of "the Federalist." *

It has been mentioned, that a letter was addressed by Elbridge Gerry to the Legislature of Massachusetts, assigning his reasons for refusing his signature to the Constitution.

On the tenth of October, another public letter was written by Richard Henry Lee, then a delegate in Congress from Virginia, in reply to Governor Randolph of that State, urging "the formidable combination of power conferred by the Constitution on the Executive and the Senate; and, denouncing the indirect process of electing the former; his term of office, and that of the Senate; and their little responsibility. You are therefore," he remarks, "well warranted in saying 'either a monarchy or an aristocracy will be generated, perhaps the most grievous system of Government.'" He suggested, that previous amendments should be made, of which an outline was given; and that a SECOND General Convention be called.

Soon after, a paper was promulgated with some show

* That eminent jurist, Chancellor Kent, relates: "The essays composing this," as he styles it, "immortal work,' made at the time a wonderful impression upon reflecting men."

of importance, entitled "The OBJECTIONS of the Hon. George Mason to the proposed Constitution."

Mason, who is stated to have been the framer of the Constitution of Virginia, objected to the House of Representatives, as being "the shadow only, of representation," to the powers of the Senate over money bills, appropriations, the salaries of officers-that these and the other great powers, would "destroy the balance in the Government, and enable them to accomplish what usurpations they please, upon the rights and liberties of the people "that, the President had "no constitutional council"-that, the Vice-President was "a dangerous and unnecessary officer." The Judiciary, he pronounced of absorbing power. "This Government," he observed, at the close," will commence in a moderate aristocracy. It is impossible to foresee, whether it will, in its operation, produce a monarchy or a corrupt, oppressive aristocracy It will terminate in one or the other." These publications gave rise to much angry controversy. Another objector followed-Edmund Randolph. Of a stock, who boasted their descent on one side from Pocahontas, and on the other, from an English poet, Randolph had increased his influence by intermarriage with another important family. His career was early fortunate. Soon after he began his professional life, he was appointed Attorney General of the State, a place in which he was preceded by his father and grandfather. Hence, he was elected a delegate to Congress; and, after three years' service, was appointed a delegate to the General Convention, where, as seen, he refused to sign the Constitution. His dissent was, for a long time, ascribed to the departure in the plan from that which he had proposed.

Invited by his friends to disclose his objections, he stated, that his letter to the House had been written ever

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