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rities, and to furnish markets for our produce. The first was to be obtained by the conquest of Canada, the other by protecting our coasting trade by "lining our coast with vessels of pilotboat construction, filled with men, armed with carronades, and only so much larger as to assure the mastery of the pilotboats," taken from us by the British, and kept as tenders to their larger vessels. It was these last, he contended, which had done the principal damage to our trade in the Revolution, and would do so again unless prevented by the same swift-sailing class of vessels, the construction of which he thought was unknown to the English. He wrote to Duane (now Colonel Duane), that "the acquisition of Canada this year as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, would be a mere matter of marching, and would give us experience for the attack of Halifax the next, and the final expulsion of England from the American Continent."

These anticipations may appear to have been without reasonable foundation, in view of the result. It may be asked what means we had to achieve the conquest of Canada? We at least had as good troops as that province then contained, and we had the overwhelming superiority of numbers. Mr. Jefferson's first letter (to Duane, October 1st), after General Hull's surrender, vigorously sketched the causes of our miscarriage, and pointed to those which would prevent us from again having equal chances of success:

"Whether the head of the War department' is equal to his charge, I am not qualified to decide. I knew him only as a pleasant, gentlemanly man in society; and the indecision of his character rather added to the amenity of his conversation. But when translated from the colloquial circle to the great stage of national concerns, and the direction of the extensive operations of war, whether he has been able to seize at one glance the long line of defenceless border presented by our enemy, the masses of strength which we hold on different points of it, the facility this gave us of attacking him, on the same day, on all his points, from the extremity of the lakes to the neighborhood of Quebec, and the perfect indifference with which this last place, impregnable as it is, might be left in the hands of the enemy to fall of itself; whether, I say, he could see and prepare vigorously for all this, or merely wrapped himself in the cloak of cold defence, I am uninformed.

"I fear that Hull's surrender has been more than the mere loss of a year to us. Besides bringing on us the whole mass of savage nations, whom fear and not affection had kept in quiet, there is danger that in giving time to an enemy who can send rein

William Eustis of Massachusetts, who resigned and was succeeded by General John Armstrong of New York, January 13th, 1813.

forcements of regulars faster than we can raise them, they may strengthen Canada and Halifax beyond the assailment of our lax and divided powers. Perhaps, however, the patriotic efforts from Kentucky and Ohio, by recalling the British force to its upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to strike a blow below. Effectual possession of the river from Montreal to the Chaudiere, which is practicable, would give us the upper country at our leisure, and close forever the scenes of the tomahawk and scalping-knife."

Mr. Jefferson this year increased his household manufactures of linens, cottons, and woollens, to the extent of supplying his own establishment with coarse articles; and he to some degree engaged in, and encouraged others to engage in, the breeding of sheep for wool growing purposes. The Batture case occupied a portion of his attention. His health was much better than in the preceding summer. The following hitherto unpublished letter gives a glimpse of his pecuniary affairs.

To JOHN W. EPPES.

DEAR SIR:

MONTICELLO, June 5th, 1812.

I learnt accidentally, a day or two ago, that you were proposing to sell Pantops, and had offered it to some persons in this neighborhood. This is done, I have no doubt, after mature consideration, and under the view that it will be most beneficial to Francis, of whose interests no one can be a more faithful depository than yourself. Candor obliges me to say that an estate so closely and constantly under my eye could not pass out of the family without sentiments of regret, which would be renewed as often as the object should meet the eye. This induces me to request that I may have the refusal of it on the same terms on which you might be willing to sell it to others. These I understand to be on payments of consider- . able length, and this circumstance may bring it within my means. You know of the debt brought on me by my Washington residence. I have got through more than half of it, and confide that two years more will clear me of the residue. I could then, without inconvenience, begin to set apart annually, a portion of the price, so as to make sure of the whole in time. At ten dollars the acre, the price at which I am told it is offered, it would be a very safe purchase, if brought within the term in which I could accomplish it. Except indeed, that there is an event which we should all deprecate, but which may happen in opposition to all our prayers, and would transfer the reversionary inheritance without regard to any contract you or I could make. This should be contemplated beforehand to guard against the too heavy effects of an evicted title.

Peter Carr is enlarging the plan of his school, in which he expects the aid of Wood, whose superior qualifications in different branches of science are well known. It will unquestionably be the best situation in the State should you propose to place Francis at any distance from you. Whatever my cares and attentions could add would be ensured by my tender affections for him, as well as my friendship for you. With my friendly respects to Mrs. Eppes, be assured of my constant attachment and respect to yourself.

VOL. III.-24

TH. JEFFERSON.

When this letter was written, war prices were anticipated for the finest crops which had been harvested for a series of years; the blockade of the Chesapeake was an event which no one was looking for; the stream of company to Monticello had not reached flood tide; and altogether the aspect of things was calculated to foster impressions which were to prove most delusive. We are inclined to think that when Mr. Jefferson speaks of having extinguished half his Washington debt, he did not keep sufficiently in view smaller ones incurred for current expenditures which he had reason to expect would be met, from time to time, by current receipts.

He was importuned from several quarters to become a candidate for the Presidency in 1812. Some thought he would conduct the war with more energy than Madison; others were apprehensive that the latter might be defeated in his reëlection by a combination of his Republican opponents and the Federalists. A written specimen of Jefferson's way of answersuch overtures will be found in a letter from him to Thomas C. Flournoy, dated October 1st, 1812.' We quote a few sentences:

"You probably do not know Mr. Madison personally, or at least intimately, as I do. I have known him from 1779, when he first came into the public councils, and, from three and thirty years trial, I can say conscientiously that I do not know in the world a man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested, and devoted to genuine Republicanism; nor could I in the whole scope of America and Europe point out an abler head. He may be illy seconded by others, betrayed by the Hulls and Arnolds of our country, for such there are in every country, and with sorrow and suffering we know it. But what man can do will be done by Mr. Madison. I hope, therefore, there will be no difference among Republicans as to his reëlection, and we shall know his value when we have to give him up, and to look at large for his successor."

We have to record a more singular proposition to the exPresident, made after the warlike disasters of 1812. This was, that he become Secretary of State in Mr. Madison's Cabinet instead of Monroe, the latter taking the place of Eustis in the War department. This would have formed a Cabinet which would indeed have commanded the confidence of the nation, and demolished all the chances of success which Mr. Madison's competitor could have possessed. It is hardly probable, however, that the latter consideration entered seriously into the

1 Congress edition, vol. vi. p. 82. It is not given in Randolph's edition.

objects of this proposal, for Madison's election could not reasonably have been considered doubtful. Jefferson's reply will be found in a letter to Colonel Duane, dated, October 1st. He declared, "he possessed so much of the Roman principle, as to deem it honorable for the general of yesterday to act as corporal to-day, if his services could be useful to his country; holding that to be false pride which postponed the public good to any private or personal considerations." But he said, "the hand of age was upon him, that the decay of bodily faculties apprised him that those of the mind could not be unimpaired, had he not still better proofs." He added much more in the same strain.

The most remarkable part of the affair remains to be told. Mr. Madison actually proposed this arrangement to Mr. Jefferson.' Whether he did so, merely to meet the wishes of friends, or in the expectation of a possible acceptance of the offer, we have no means of knowing, but there is probably little doubt that the former was his motive.

The second session of the twelfth Congress opened, November 2d, 1812, under rather gloomy auspices. The American navy had already covered itself with imperishable glory by a series of such exploits as the masterly escape of the Constitution from the fleet of Commodore Broke, the capture of the Guerriere by the former vessel, of the Alert by the Essex, of the Frolic by the Wasp, of the Macedonian by the United States; and before the close of the year, though not until after the meeting of Congress, of the Java by the United States. On the other hand, a series of abortive attempts and disasters, alleviated only by occasonal gleams of success, had been the result of our efforts on land.

Party excitement in and out of Congress was intense. Some of the Federal leaders and newspapers, particularly in New England, had encouraged Great Britain to persist in her orders in council, by tauntingly declaring that our government had no idea of war; that it kept up irritations merely for party purposes; that it did not dare in reality to open hostilities. When war was declared, the same partisans denounced it as unnecessary, unjust, and undertaken from the most criminal motives. To complaints were soon added open threats of disunion. None

We have this on the authority of an intimate friend of Mr. Madison, now living, who heard the fact from his own lips.

earlier or more eagerly urged the latter alternative than a por. tion of the "pulpit politicians" of Massachusetts.'

We have seen the declaration of Quincy, the New England Federal leader in Congress, that the Government could not be kicked into a war." In a debate in the same body, January 5th, 1813, on a bill to add twenty thousand men to the existing army establishment, Mr. Quincy said:

"I desire, therefore, that it may be distinctly understood, both by this House and

E. g. The Boston Repertory, in an article (January 9th, 1810) under the caption "Smoke! Smoke!" exclaimed: "Will our Administration never be understood? Shall we forever be the dupes of a contemptible farce, which has been exhibiting for years to make people wonder and stare? My life on it, our Executive have no more idea of declaring war than my grandmother." The Repertory declared (April 18th, 1810): Our Government will not make war on Great Britain, but will keep up a constant irritation on some pretence or other, for the sake of maintaining influence as a party.' The same paper said (Dec. 24th, 1811): "We are firmly persuaded that the majority in Congress do not mean to declare war at present, that they dare not; and that all their threats are but contemptible vaporing," etc. The Philadelphia Gazette (January 10th, 1812), in speaking of the proposed war, and of the Republicans in Congress, said: "They shrink from it." "They are frightened as the aspect becomes a little serious, and wish to go home and think about it." The Baltimore Federal Gazette said: "If you think a vote to raise 25,000 men looks like a war, quiet your apprehensions. You do not understand what is here called management. There will, as I believe, be no war. The war-whoop, the orders in council, the non-importation, the Presidential caucusing, will vanish before summer.' Such extracts might be indefinitely multiplied, and we will turn now to the pulpit.

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Rev. David Osgood, D.D., pastor of the church at Medford, Massachusetts, in a discourse delivered April 10th, 1810, and subsequently printed, said: The strong prepos sessions of so great a portion of my fellow citizens, in favor of a race of demons, and against a nation of more religion, virtue, good faith, generosity, and beneficence, than any that now is, or ever has been upon the face of the earth, wring my soul with anguish, and fill my heart with apprehensions and terror of the judgments of heaven upon this sinful people." În a printed discourse of the same gentleman, deliv

ered June 27th, 1812, occur the following, among other equally virulent declarations: "If, at the command of weak or wicked rulers, they undertake an unjust war; each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for its support, or by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of influence encourages its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads his conscience with the blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the sight of God and His law is a murderer." "My mind has been in a constant agony, not so much at the inevitable loss of our temporal prosperity and happiness, and the complicated miseries of war, as at its guilt, its outrages against heaven, against all truth, honesty justice, goodness-against all the principles of social happiness." "Were not the authors of this war in character nearly akin to the deists and atheists of France; were they not men of hardened hearts, seared consciences, reprobate minds, and desperate wickedness, it seems utterly inconceivable that they should have made the declaration." "One hope only remains, that this last stroke of perfidy may open the eyes of a besotted people; that they may awake like a giant from his slumbers, and wreak their vengeance on their betrayers, by driving them from their stations, and placing at the helm more skillful and faithful hands." "II, at the present moment, no symptoms of civil war appear, they certainly will soon, unless the courage of the war-party should fail them."A civil war becomes as certain as the events that happen according to the known laws and established course of nature." In a published discourse of the Rev. J. S. J. Gardiner, A.M., rector of Trinity Church, Boston, delivered April 9th, 1812, occur, among many similar ones, the following expressions: "It is a war unexampled in the history of the world; wantonly proclaimed on the most frivolous and groundless pretences, against a nation from whose friendship we might derive the most signal advantages, and from whose hostility we have reason to dread the most tremendous losses." "Every provocation has been offered to Great Britain on our part, and our resentment has risen in proportion as she has shewn a conciliating spirit.' "What consequence is it to you if they be repealed, if you are sold to Napoleon, as you have reason to believe, by the slaves who have abused your confidence." "Let no considerations whatever, my brethren, deter you at all times, and

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