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long time a great desire to have a guitar. A lady of our neighborhood was going to the West and wished to part with her guitar, but she asked so high a price that I never in my dreams aspired to its possession. One morning on going down to breakfast, I saw the guitar. It had been sent up by Mrs. for us to look at, and grandpapa told me that if I would promise to learn to play on it I should have it. I never shall forget my ecstasies. I was but fourteen years old and the first wish of my heart was unexpectedly gratified.

Pages more might be filled with written and oral recol. lections of the same tenor. The flight of years has not dimmed the love with which all those of his household regarded him; and the impression which he left on their memories, is far too deeply stamped for anything but death to efface. But, as on of the narrators has asked, “ what can be said hereafter but to repeat the same tale of love and kindness ?”

CHAPTER IX.

1810-1813.

Jefferson's Correspondence in 1810--Anticipates a Financial Crash in England-Russian

Ambassador and Jefferson Publications suggested by Jefferson–Correspondence of 1811-Letter to Eppes_Views on Colonization and on Duties of Government in relation thereto-Misunderstandings in Madison's Cabinet-Duane's Attack on Gallatin-His Appeals to Jefferson for Aid--His Attack on the President-Jefferson's Views on proper Sacrifices to Party Unity–His Toleration to Individual Differences of Opinion in his Party-Gallatin-Thomas Ritchie-South American Revolt-Jefferson advises Barlow how to address Napoleon-His Views on War and Peace-"Gives Glory" to Gerry for “Rasping down” Traitors—The Conduct of the New England Federalists—Quincy's Declaration that it was the Duty of some States to prepare for å Separation of the Union-Resolutions of Federal Caucus in Boston—Gerry pronounces their Doctrines Seditious-Legislature go further-Jefferson's Ilness-His Letter to Rush--Correspondence of 1812–His Reconciliation with John Adams—War declared between United States and Great Britain-Jefferson's Views of the kind of War it was Expedient to wage-His Suggestions to the President-Sanguine Hopes—Views after Hull's Surrender-A Glimpse of Jefferson's Pecuniary Affairs-He is urged to become a Candidate for the Presidency-Urged to enter Mr. Madison's Cabinet-General Result of the War in 1812–Conduct of the New England Federalists—Disunion insti. gated from the Pulpit-Quincy's Attack on the War and on Jefferson in CongressTallmadge's Speech-Clay's Reply to Quincy-Presidential Election-Progress of the War in 1813-Jefferson's Remarks and Suggestions thereon-Massachusetts Legislature resolve that it is unbecoming a Moral and Religious People" to express Approbation of the Military or Naval Exploits of the War--Massachusetts Officials do not attend the Funeral of Lawrence-Quincy's Resolution in regard to Admission of States formed from Louisiana--Remonstrance of Massachusetts Legislature against the War–False Statements of the Document in regard to Impressment, etc.--Smuggling and Selling Supplies to the Enemy-How fostered in New England—Evasions of the Revenue Laws-British Blockade extended—The portion of New England still Exempted-Governor of Vermont attempts to Recall the Militia of that State from Canada--Proceedings in Congress thereon-Resolves of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and New JerseyCommodore Decatur's Account of the “Blue-light" Treason-Jefferson's Corres. pondence in 1813–Dirge of the Indian Race-Jefferson's Letters to Eppes on the Banks and Currency-Attempt of Boston Banks to prevent the Government from obtaining Loans—Their Run on Banks of Middle and Southern States_Purchase of English Government Bills—The Massachusetts Press and Pulpit denounce those who lend Money to our Government-A new Rupture between Adams and Jefferson threatened-Reconciliation between Jefferson and Mrs. Adams Jefferson's Views of Style in Writing.

We again recur to Mr. Jefferson's correspondence during 1810. His indignation at the conduct of both Great Britain and

France remained unabated. He wrote Dr. Jones, a Virginia member of Congress, March 5th:

“Our difficulties are indeed great, we consider ourselves alone. But when viewed in comparison with those of Europe, they are the joys of Paradise. In the eternal revolution of ages, the destinies have placed our portion of existence amidst such scenes of tumult and outrage, as no other period, withing our knowledge, had presented. Every government but one on the continent of Europe, demolished, a conqueror roaming over the earth with havoc and destruction, a pirate spreading misery and ruin over the face of the ocean. Indeed, my friend, ours is a bed of roses. And the system of government which shall keep us afloat amidst this wreck of the world, will be immortalized in history. We have, to be sure, our petty squabbles and heart burnings, and we have something of the blue devils at times, as to these raw-heads and bloody-bones who are eating up other nations. But happily for us, the Mammoth cannot swim, nor the Leviathan move on dry land: and if we will keep out of their way, they cannot get at us."

Commenting in a letter to Mr. Law on “the miserable policy” pursued by England “of teasing and embarrassing us by allying itself with a faction here, not a tenth of the people, noisy and unprincipled,” he thus met the charge of having been influenced by enmity in his own official conduct towards that country:

“ With respect to myself, I saw great reason to believe their ministers were weak enough to credit the newspaper trash about a supposed personal enmity in myself towards England. This wretched party imputation was beneath the notice of wise men. England never did me a personal injury, other than in open war; and for numerous individuals there, I have great esteem and friendship. And I must have had a mind far below the duties of my station, to have felt either national partialities or antipathies in conducting the affairs confided to me. My affections were first for my own country, and then, generally, for all mankind; and nothing but minds placing themselves above the passions, in the functionaries of this country, could have preserved us from the war to which their provocations have been constantly urging us.”

In two or three letters during the year, he expressed anticipations of “a crush ” in the “internal structure” of England, owing to the remarkable state of her monetary affairs. These views were not confined to him or his party; and in looking back over the circumstances of the times, it only appears wonderful that they were not realized.'

· The Bank of England had suspended specie payments in February, 1797, and they were not resumed until 1823, a period of twenty-six years. The bank had, we think, about a million

and a quarter of specie in its vaults at the time of suspension. Its circulation prior to that event, was eleven or twelve millions of pounds. In 1810, when Mr. Jefferson wrote, its circulation had reached eighteen millions; and before 1820, it had reached thirty millions, or one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. The notes of

VOL. III.-23

A Russian Ambassador [Count Pahlen] reached the United States in the summer of 1810, and one of his first steps was to convey to Mr. Jefferson by the orders of the Emperor Alexander assurances of that monarch’s continued friendly regard. The reply did not fail to urge the customary views in relation to the union of maritime policies between Russia and the United States.

We find Mr. Jefferson proposing to William Duane (August 12th) to publish Baxter's abridgment and continuation of Hume's history of England-although he admitted that the work lacked equally in style and profundity. The avowed object was to supplant a book which had “undermined the free principles of the English government,” and the style of which had rendered it “the manual of every student.” He also proposed the publication of De Tracy's Commentary on Montesquieu, the mantiscript of which had been confided to him by the author for that purpose, should he consider it advisable. Duane translated and published it, the proof-sheets being seen by Mr. Jefferson. Duane proposed a revision of the Notes on Virginia, and Jefferson replied that “he did contemplate some day the making additions and corrections to them; but he was inclined to take the benefit of his whole life to make collections and observations, and let the editing them be posthumous.” He never found time, if he did inclination, to make the effort; and on the whole, it perhaps may be considered fortunate.'

We shall close these brief extracts from his correspondence

the bank were as irredeemable, at the time, as our own old continental currency: the debts of England were rolling up with frightful velocity; and reasoning from all the analogies the world had ever presented, nearly all foreigners throughout Christendom looked daily for a giving way of commercial confidence, and some tremendous consequent convulsion. That this did not occur, is not only a better proof of England's enormous resources than even her iron struggle with Napoleon, but perhaps the best proof her history contains of the inflexible, all-defying and all-sacrificing national spirit of her people.

i on some of the topics treated in the original work, especially the political ones, his later views would have been valuable. But the attempt to carry them all out on a scale befitting his reputation elsewhere, would have involved a vast range of inquiry-and the preparation of almost an encyclopædia of the sciences. Was he prepared for this? The original when written was a wonderful compilation in some departments. It also had strong original features to commend it—was a most felicitous application of the philosophy of science to the business and interests of society. But while Mr. Jefferson had been "governing men and guiding States,'' the chariot wheels of science had not tarried. Men just as able as himself to press forward its investigations, had separately taken up its branches, and unfolded vast new reaches of fact and theory. Could an old man, sixty-seven years old, though perfectly at his leisure, go back and overtake them-and then add something worthy of the time and pen of an eminent statesman? There can be but one rational answer to this question. There can be no doubt the first deliberate reflection Mr. Jefferson gave to the sc:bject, suggested the inevitable conclusion.

in 1810, with the following from a letter to David Howel, December 15th :

“I read one or two newspapers a week, but with reluctance give even that time from Tacitus and Horace, and so much other more agreeable reading ; indeed, I give more time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome to both. I enjoy, in recollection, my ancient friendships, and suffer no new circumstances to mix alloy with them. I do not take the trouble of forming opinions on what is passing among them, because I have such entire confidence in their integrity and wisdom as to be satisfied all is going right, and that every one is doing his best in the station confided to him. Under these impressions, accept sincere assurances of my continued esteem and respect for yourself personally, and my best wishes for your health and happiness."

But a limited space will be devoted to the correspondence of 1811. It has the usual literary and political variety, but perhaps contains few essentially new views, or statements which connect the writer in an interesting light with important passing events.

In a letter to Mr. Eppes, not heretofore published, Mr. Jefferson thus referred to the boundary of Louisiana, and certain documents pertaining to that question :

TO JOHN W. EPPES.

MONTICELLO, Jan. 5, 1811. DEAR SIR:

Your two letters of Dec. 14th reached this place just after I had left it for Bedford. This has occasioned the delay of the answer. I now inclose you the paper you requested on the boundaries of Louisiana. It is a bad polygraph copy; however, it is legible. There is nothing secret in the paper, and therefore it may be freely used as you please, except that I would not bave it printed, but with the advice of the President. With his sanction, if it be thought material to satisfy the public opinion on the solidity of a right, the assertion of which may lead to war, it may be printed. But the paper I send you wants a very material appendix. This was a chronological table of all the facts relating to the discovery and history of Louisiana which I compiled from all the authors I possess or could obtain who have written on Louisiana, with a reference to the authority of every fact.

This is not now among my papers, and I have no conception what has become of it, unless it remains in the office of State. I sent both papers to that office, and perhaps only the original of the principal paper may have been returned to me. I write by this post to Mr. Graham, to examine, and if he has not the original of the chrono. logical table, to lend me his copy, from which I will send you one.

With respect to the boundaries, they are as well ascertained as those of any unsettled country whatever, as well as the boundaries of several of these States, about which disputes still exist, and as the boundaries of many of the unsettled northern countries of Europe.

Mr. Jefferson considered the main branch of the Rio Bravo the western boundary of Louisiana, as far as that river extended. See his letter to Mellish, December 31, 1816

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