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and situation of our fellow citizens. To the sincere spirit of republicanism are naturally associated the love of country, devotion to its liberty, its rights, and its honor. Our preference to that form of government has been so far justified by its success, and the prosperity with which it has blessed us. In no portion of the earth were life, liberty and property ever so securely held; and it is with infinite satisfaction that withdrawing from the active scenes of life, I see the sacred design of these blessings committed to those who are sensible of their value and determined to defend them.

It would have been a great consolation to have left the nation under the assurance of continued peace. Nothing has been spared to effect it; and at no other period of history would such efforts have failed to ensure it. For neither belligerent pretends to have been injured by us, or can say that we have in any instance departed from the most faithful neutrality; and certainly none will charge us with a want of forbearance.

In the desire of peace, but in full confidence of safety from our unity, our positon, and our resources, I shall retire into the bosom of my native State, endeared to me by every tie which can attach the human heart. The assurances of your approbation, and that my conduct has given satisfaction to my fellow citizens generally, will be an important ingredient in my future happiness; and that the supreme Ruler of the universe may have our country under his special care, will be among the latest of my prayers.

Mr. Jefferson was present at the inauguration of his successor, and soon afterwards set out for home. The inhabitants of the county of his birth and residence (Albemarle) had proposed to meet and escort him to Monticello, with imposing ceremonies. He quietly put aside the request by declaring that he could not decide on the day of his return, and he added:

"But it is a sufficient happiness to me to know that my fellow-citizens of the country generally entertain for me the kind sentiments which have prompted this proposition, without giving to so many the trouble of leaving their homes to meet a single individual. I shall have opportunities of taking them individually by the hand at our court-house and other public places, and of exchanging assurances of mutual esteem. Certainly it is the greatest consolation to me to know, that in returning to the bosom of my native county, I shall be again in the midst of their kind affections: and I can say with truth that my return to them will make me happier than I have been since I left them."

The proposed ovation gave way to an address, and it was thus answered:

TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA.

April 8, 1809.

Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society of those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I receive, fellow-citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties which the history of a wonderful era made VOL. III.-20

incumbent on those called to them, the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of private life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with you, my neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which nature has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I gladly lay down the distressing burden of power, and seek, with my fellow-citizens, repose and safety under the watchful cares, and labors and perplexities of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express to administer to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the measure will be complete, if my endeavors to fulfill my duties in the several public stations to which I have been called, have obtained for me the approbation of my country. The part which I have acted on the theatre of public life, has been before them, and to their sentence I submit it; but the testimony of my native county, of the individuals who have known me in private life, to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the more grateful, as proceeding from eye-witnesses and observers, from triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask, in the face of the world, "whose ox have I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?" On your verdict I rest with conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness are received with just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your own welfare and prosperity.

CHAPTER VIII.

1809.

Mr. Jefferson's return Home-His Correspondence with the President Jefferson's and Madison's Friendship-Their Similarities and Contrasts of Character, etc.-Their different Degrees of Popularity among Political Friends and Opponents-Their Usefulness to each other-Erskine's Treaty-Jefferson's Views of it-His Annexation Views The Treaty rejected by England-"Copenhagen Jackson succeeds ErskineHabitual deportment of British Ministers in the United States-How the Treaty had been received by the Federalists-Their Declarations on its Rejection-Feelings of the American people-Jefferson to Eppes-His Views on Equilibrium of Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce-Dissensions in Mr. Madison's Cabinet Jefferson dissuades Gallatin from retiring-Engaged in correcting Marshall's Life of WashingtonLoss of his Indian Vocabularies-Domestic affairs-Letter to Kosciusko Jefferson's Pecuniary Affairs-A Statement of them and of the Sources of his Pecuniary Misfor tunes-Amount of his Property-Causes of the Depression of the Agricultural Interest in Virginia-Monetary Revulsions-Life at Monticello-Its Scale of Hospitality-A talk with old Wormley-Mr. Jefferson's proposed and actual Style of Living-Anecdote of Mr. C***.-The Current of Events unchangeable-The Sequel-Description of Monticello-Its Approach-The Grounds and Mansion-Interior of the House forty years ago-Prospect from Monticello-Looming of the Mountains-Jefferson's proposed Improvements to the Scenery-An early English Description of the Climate and Inhabitants-A Rain Storm and an important Computation-Reasons for Jefferson's building his House at Poplar Forest-The House and Life there described by his Grand-daughter-Journeying between his two Residences described by another Granddaughter-An Omission in the Sketch of the House at Poplar Forest-Interview with a Parson at Ford's Tavern-Jefferson in the Interior of his Family, his Reading, his Rural and Horticultural Tastes, described by a Grand-daughter-His Conduct and Manners in his Family, described by different Grand-daughters.

THE ex-President reached Monticello in the middle of March; and he thus wrote to his successor on the 17th:

"I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad, although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better to be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable a snow storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition but fatigue, I have more confidence in my vis vitæ than I had before entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats sown, not much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has suffered considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple,

weeping willow and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at Richmond, and all produce is hurrying down."

He expressed, in the same letter, much solicitude in respect to the events of the next four or five months. He predicted a smooth administration to his successor, if peace could be preserved, and he declared that in "the present maniac state of Europe," he would not "estimate the point of honor by the ordinary scale." Still, he thought war "might become a less losing business than unrestricted depredation." The whole spirit of this communication clearly shows, if any proofs were needed of that fact, that he had not regarded Nicholas's resolution of the preceding session as a measure likely to lead to war— though he had been willing to risk war, to compel a recognition of our neutral rights.

A correspondence of a free and closely confidential character in regard to measures of Government, continued to be maintained between the late and the acting President-the only example of the kind, it is believed, in our history. The relations which existed between Jefferson and Madison, were not those merely of kindred politicians, who had acted long and harmoniously together, or of every-day social friends. They were the strongest ties which can knit those of the same sex togethersimilar principles, similar intellectual capacities, similar degrees of knowledge, similar tastes and views, and finally similar personal interests-for with so general a concurrence on political questions, the public fortunes of the men had become necessarily embarked in the same bottom. They were just far enough removed from each other by the difference of age and experience for one to naturally lead and the other to gracefully follow; and yet they were not sufficiently apart to bring the dissimilar feelings of widely separated epochs of life into inharmonious contact. Madison was still in the full meridian of manhood; Jefferson had not passed the mellow autumn of old age.'

There were enough minor contrasts in their minds and manners to give an agreeable piquancy to their intercourse. Madison was purely a reasoner; he was an unrivalled logician. Jefferson could reason if the occasion demanded; but it was rather his taste and his habit to reflect silently, and only

1 Madison was fifty-eight and Jefferson sixty-six years of age.

announce naked and sententious conclusions. He was averse to personal argumentation, and he abhorred it when it approached the precincts of controversy. It has often been said that Madison was a shade the most conservative. He was naturally, probably, several shades more conservative, and he had far more caution. He struck not out on so bold a wing into theory-conformed not practice to theory so fearlessly—and had not the same daring decision to defy the world on the strength of an intellectual, a moral, or a political conviction. He had less enthusiasm, less nerve, less of that force of will which sweeps along everything in its course, less marked and salient points of every description. He also had less genius. But Mr. Madison had equal talent, a sufficiency of passive firmness, more circumspection, and if he did not naturally and resistlessly control the portion of society inclined towards his views, he did not rouse a war ad internecionem with the other portion by the boldness and vehemency of his antagonism.

Jefferson, one of the kindest-hearted and most philanthropic men of his times, stands caricatured in the minds of many candid persons into a personification of intolerance, nay, ferocious bigotry, because he always spoke out and wrote out all he thought at the moment. His language never withheld from view a fiery tinge of the feeling that dictated it; he never smothered either the spark or the flame. There was a special excuse for him. He was engaged in a contest with a party who had without provocation transcended all the decencies of civilized life in their assaults on him, and to whose false, coarse, malignant, insulting and persistent accusations his own replies were only the milk of retaliation. John Adams was a well abused man, but the depraved ingenuity of his tormentors never invaded the domestic circle, to strike at him through the feelings of his children-to charge him with practices within that circle, and under the knowledge of his daughters, which, of all others, would have been most revolting to the pride of womanhood, the most lacerating to the respect and tenderness of filial love.

The persecution and calumny which dogged Jefferson to the grave, and did not even then surcease, fell lightly on Madison. There were, perhaps, two or three reasons for this. Perhaps Mr. Jefferson's adversaries had at length discovered, that this was not the most successful way of keeping the public favorites

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