his prosecutors, or dared to censure the language in which they expressed their indignation at his crimes.

The Commons of Great Britain, following these examples and fortified by them, abhor all compromise with guilt either in act or in language. They will not disclaim any one word that they have spoken; because, my lords, they have said nothing abusive or illiberal. It has been said, that we have used such language as was used to Sir Walter Raleigh, when he was called, not by the Commons, but by a certain person of a learned profession, "a spider of hell." My lords, Sir Walter was a great soldier, a great mariner, and one of the first scholars of his age. To call him a spider of hell, was not only indecent in itself, but perfectly foolish, from the term being totally inapplicable to the object, and fit only for the very pedantic eloquence of the person who used it. But if Sir Walter Raleigh had been guilty of numberless frauds and prevarications; if he had clandestinely picked up other men's money, concealed his peculation by false bonds, and afterwards attempted to cover it by the cobwebs of the law, then my Lord Coke would have trespassed a great deal more against decorum than against propriety of similitude and metaphor.

My lords, the managers for the Commons have not used any inapplicable language. We have indeed used, and will again use, such expressions as are proper to portray guilt. After describing the magnitude of the crime, we describe the magnitude of the criminal. We have declared him to be not only a public robber himself, but the head of a system of robbery; the captain general of the gang; the chief under whom a whole predatory band was arrayed, disciplined, and paid. This, my lords, is what we offered to prove fully to you, what in part we have proved, and the whole of which, I believe, we could prove. In developing such a mass of criminality, and in describing a criminal of such magnitude, as we have now brought before you, we could not use lenient epithets, without compromising with crime. We there

rant.

fore shall not relax in our pursuits, nor in our language. No, my lords, no; we shall not fail to feel indignation wherever our moral nature has taught us to feel it, nor shall we hesitate to speak the language which is dictated by that indignation. Whenever men are oppressed where they ought to be protected, we called it tyranny; and we call the actor a tyWhenever goods are taken by violence from the possessor, we call it a robbery; and the person who takes it, we call a robber. Money clandestinely taken from the proprietor, we call theft; and the person who takes it, we call a thief. When a false paper is made out to, obtain money, we call the act a forgery. That steward who takes bribes. from his master's tenants, and then, pretending the money to be his own, lends it to that master and takes bonds for it to himself, we consider guilty of a breach of trust; and the person who commits such crimes, we call a cheat, a swindler, and a forger of bonds. All these offences, without the least softening, under all these names, we charge upon this man. We have so charged in our record, we have so charged in our speeches; and we are sorry that our language does not furnish terms of sufficient force and compass to mark the multitude, the magnitude, and the atrocity of his crimes.

How came it, then, that the Commons of Great Britain should be calumniated for the course which they have taken ? Why should it ever have been supposed that we are actuated by revenge? I answer there are two very sufficient causes: corruption and ignorance. The first disposes an innumerable multitude of people to a fellow feeling with the prisoner. Under the shadow of his crimes thousands of fortunes have been made; and therefore thousands of tongues are employed to justify the means by which these fortunes were made. When they cannot deny the facts, they attack the accusers; they attack their conduct, they attack their persons, they attack their language, in every possible manner. I have said, my lords, that ignorance is the other cause of this calumny by which the House of Commons is assailed. Ignorance pro

duces a confusion of ideas concerning the decorum of life, by confounding the rules of private society with those of public function. To talk, as we here talk, to persons in a mixed company of men and women, would violate the law of such societies; because they meet for the sole purpose of social intercourse, and not for the exposure, the censure, the punishment of crimes; to all which things private societies are altogether incompetent. In them crimes can never be regularly stated, proved, or refuted. The law has therefore appointed special places for such inquiries; and if in any of those places we were to apply the emollient language of drawing rooms to the exposure of great crimes, it would be as false and vicious in taste and in morals, as to use the criminatory language of this hall, in drawing and assembling rooms would be misplaced and ridiculous. Every one knows, that in common society palliating names are given to vices. Adultery in a lady is called gallantry: the gentleman is commonly called a man of good fortune, sometimes in French and sometimes in English. But is this the tone which would become a person, in a court of justice, calling these people to an account for that horrible crime, which destroys the basis of society? No, my lords; this is not the tone of such proceedings. Your lordships know that it is not; the Commons know that it is not; and because we have acted on that knowledge, and stigmatized crimes with becoming indignation, we are said to be actuated rather by revenge than justice.

If it should still be asked, why we show sufficient acrimony to excite a suspicion of being in any manner influenced by malice or a desire of revenge; to this, my lords, I answer, because we would be thought to know our duty, and to have all the world know how resolutely we are resolved to perform it. The Commons of Great Britain are not disposed to quarrel with the Divine wisdom and goodness, which has moulded up revenge into the frame and constitution of man. He, that has made us what we are, has made us at once resentful and reasonable. Instinct tells a man, that he ought to

revenge an injury; reason tells him, that he ought not to be a judge in his own cause. From that moment revenge passes from the private to the public hand; but in being transferred it is far from being extinguished. My lords, it is transferred as a sacred trust to be exercised for the injured, in measure and proportion by persons who, feeling as he feels, are in a temper to reason better than he can reason. Revenge is taken out of the hands of the original injured proprietor, lest it should be carried beyond the bounds of moderation and justice. But, my lords, it is in its transfer exposed to a danger of an opposite description. The delegate of vengeance may not feel the wrong sufficiently; he may be cold and languid in the performance of his sacred duty. It is for these reasons, that good men are taught to tremble even at the first emotions of anger and resentment for their own particular wrongs; but they are likewise taught, if they are well taught, to give the loosest possible rein to their resentment and indignation, whenever their parents, their friends, their country, or their brethren of the common family of mankind are injured. Those, who have not such feelings under such circumstances, are base and degenerate. These, my lords, are the sentiments of the Commons of Great Britain.

Lord Bacon has very well said, that "revenge is a kind of wild justice." It is so, and without this wild austere stock, there would be no justice in the world. But when by the skilful hand of morality and wise jurisprudence a foreign. scion, but of the very same species, is grafted upon it, its harsh quality becomes changed, it submits to culture, and laying aside its savage nature it bears fruits and flowers, sweet to the world, and not ungrateful even to Heaven itself, to which it elevates its exalted head. The fruit of this wild. stock is revenge regulated, but not extinguished; revenge transferred from the suffering party to the communion and sympathy of mankind. This is the revenge by which we are actuated, and which we should be sorry if the false, idle,

girlish, novel-like morality of the world should extinguish in the breast of us, who have a great public duty to perform.

This sympathetic revenge, which is condemned by clamorous imbecility, is so far from being a vice, that it is the greatest of all possible virtues; a virtue which the uncorrupted judgment of mankind has in all ages exalted to the rank of heroism. To give up all the repose and pleasures of life, to pass sleepless nights, and laborious days, and, what is ten times more irksome to an ingenuous mind, to offer oneself to calumny and all its herd of hissing tongues and poisoned fangs, in order to free the world from fraudulent prevaricators, from cruel oppressors, from robbers and tyrants, has I say the test of heroic virtue, and well deserves such a distinction. The Commons, despairing to attain the heights of this virtue, never lose sight of it for a moment. For seventeen years they have, almost without intermission, pursued, by every sort of inquiry, by legislative and by judicial remedy, the cure of this Indian malady, worse ten thousand times than the leprosy which our forefathers brought from the East. Could they have done this, if they had not been actuated by some strong, some vehement, some perennial passion, which, burning like the vestal fire, chaste and eternal, never suffers generous sympathy to grow cold in maintaining the rights of the injured, or in denouncing the crimes of the oppressor?

My lords, the managers for the Commons have been actuated by this passion; my lords, they feel its influence at this moment; and so far from softening either their measures or their tone, they do here, in the presence of their Creator, of this House, and of the world, make this solemn declaration, and nuncupate this deliberate vow; that they will ever glow with the most determined and unextinguishable animosity against tyranny, oppression, and peculation in all, but more. particularly as practised by this man in India; that they never will relent, but will pursue and prosecute him and it, till they see corrupt pride prostrate under the feet of justice. We call upon your lordships to join us; and we have no