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the slain with a look of savage exultation," and re-, only evils which she has reason to dread, and were peating over and over again "that their loss amount- a sufficient force embarked with these orders, no ed only to eight men killed and fourteen wound-American war would be of long continuance. ed." He acknowledges a loss that day of 2,000 "A melancholy experience has now taught us men, which was pretty nearly the amount of the that such a war must not be entered into, unless it killed and wounded, but says nothing of the prison.be conducted with spirit, except with a sufficient ers. He lays much of the blame of the failure on numerical force. To the plan which I propose of mak col. Mullens, of the 44th regiment, for his neglecting desert the whole line of coast, it may be objected, of orders to advance with ladders, &c. at the time that by so doing, we should distress individuals and appointed. not the government. But they, who offer this ob The following are the concluding remarks of thejection, forget the nature, both of the people, author, and are so deserving of notice that we in- whose cause they plead, and of the government sert them entire. They evince the most savage under which they live. In a democratical governspirit that has been recently displayed, though in ment the voice of the people must at all times strict accordance with what the British accomplish-prevail. The very members of the house of repreed or attempted during the late war, and in con- sentatves are the persons who, from such proformity with their own official declarations-such ceedings, would suffer most severely, and we all as never before were made under the authority of a know how far private suffering goes to influence a civilized government. They burnt Washington, and man's public opinions, Besides, the very princi they designed to sack and then hurn Baltimore to ple upon which the advocates for the sacredness of the ground: of this we are perfectly assured. They of private property proceed, is altogether errone, meant to plunder, but to hold New Orleans, for ous. I admit, that, in absolute monarchies, where which purpose they sent out custom-house officers, war is more properly the pastime of kings, tħan the &c. "Booty and beauty" was their watchword! desire of subjects, non-combatants ought to be Peace to those who fell, though on a most barbarous dealt with as humanely as possible. Not so, howpurpose! If another war ever should take place, ever, in states governed by popular assemblies.and this horrible manner of carrying it on is con- By compelling the constituents to experience the tinued, perhaps some places in the West and East real hardships and miseries of warfare, you will Indies, &c. or on the coasts of Great Britain her soon compel the representatives to a vote of peace; self, may be found "assailable," through the in- and surely that line of conduct is, upon the whole, creased strength of our gallant navy. But we trust the most humane,which puts the speediest period o that mankind are not to become such barbarians, the cruelties of war. There are few men who would through the wickedness of a few Gothic and unna- not rather endure a raging fever for three days, tural Englishmen.-The people of Great Britain than a slow and lingering disease for three months. cannot be supposed to hold such terrible principles. So it is with democracy at war. Burn their houses, "The fact is, that when we look back upon the plunder their property, block up their harbors, and dewhole series of events produced by the American stroy their shipping in a few places; and before you war, we shall find little that is likely to flatter our have time to proceed to the rest, you will be stopped by vanity, or increase our self importance. Except a entreaties for peace. Whereas, if you do no mischief few successes in Canada, at its very commence- that can be avoided, if you only fight their fleets ment, and the brilliant inroad upon Washington, it and armies whenever you meet them, and suffer will be found that our arms have been constantly the inhabitants to live in undisturbed tranquility, baffled or repulsed on shore; while at sea, with the they will continue these hostilities till they have exception of the capture of the Chesapeake, and worn out the means of one party, and greatly weak. one or two other affairs towards it conclusion, we ened those of both. have been equally unsuccessful. From what cause does this proceed? Not from any inferiority in courage or discipline, because in these particulars British soldiers and sailors will yield to no one in the world. There must, then, be some other cause for these misfortunes, and the cause is surely one which has continually baffled all our plans of American warfare.

"Should another war break out between Great Britain and America this is the course to be adopter by the former. Besides this, I humbly conceive that a second attempt should be made upon New Orleans, since the importance of the conquest would authorise any sacrifice for its attainment: and wheni once gained, it could be easily defended. The neck of land upon which that city is built, extends in the "We have long been habituated to despise the same manner above it as below; and therefore the Americans as an enemy unworthy serious regard. same advantages which it holds out to the present To this alone, it is to be attributed that frigates half defenders, it would likewise hold out to us. A chain manned, were sent to cope with ships capable of con- of works thrown across from the river to the marsh taining them within their hulls; and to this, also, the would render it inaccessible from above; while, by trifling handfuls of troops despatched to conduct covering the lakes and the Mississippi with cruis the war by land. Instead of fifteen hundred, baders, all attacks from below would be sufficiently ten thousand men sailed from the Garrone under guarded against.” general Ross, how differently might he have acted! There would have been then no necessity for a reembarktion, after the capture of Washington, and consequently no time given for the defence of Baltimore; but marching across the country, he might have done to the one city what he did to the other. And it is thus only that a war with America can be successfully carried on. To penetrate up the country amidst pathless forests and boundless deserts, and to aim at permanent conquests, is out of the question. America must be assaulted only on her coasts. Her harbors destroyed, her ship ping burned, and her sea ports laid waste, are the

APPLICATION OF PRINCIPLES. The Waltham mana ufactory is the largest, and probably, the most prosperous in the United States. Too much credit onnnot be given to the managers for the economy and skill with which it is conducted, or the good order and morality which are so conspicuous among the workmen, women and children. It is a magnificent and truly national establishment, presenting a splendid matter of fact illustration of the true prin ciples of political economy; imparting to the mind of one who views its structure, machinery and management, more conviction and practical inform

mation than could be drawn from all the books factory stopped and a factory active, the nation will which its walls could contain. When foreign or cease to be divided and congress to be indifferent. hireling writers tell us, your country is not fit for Happily for the country, the Waltham factory is manufactures, we can, with pride, tell them-look prosperous; it is profitable to the proprietors and at Waltham: that manufactures are injurious to it is profitable to the country: their goods are of morals and agriculture-look at Waltham and its the best quality and they are cheaper than importneighborhood: that they will destroy commerce-ed. It is said that the annual dividends are from ask the merchants of Boston and Providence: that 20 to 30 per cent. I wish it were fifty; for their they will destroy the market for our produce-look profit is the people's gain while they make betat Mr. Jackson's books; that the southern planter ter and sell cheaper, keep the money at home and will suffer-count the bales of cotton in store: that employ American materials, fuel, labor and mathey tax the many and oppress the few-compare chinery, and consume American provisions. Prothe price and quality of their fabricks with the im fits thus acquired diffuse both health and vigor ported: that we have not sufficient capital--exam-through every occupation in society, while every ine the list of stockholders and their bank books, individual derives a direct personal and immediate (600,000 dollars paid in, 600,000 more ready, if it benefit from the operations produced. Such are could be employed). In short, there is not an ob- the lessons which Waltham teaches us; there is jection to the encouragement of manufactures one more and the most important-the difference among us, that is not put down by an inspection of between a manufacturer protected and a manufactuthis establishment, without reasoning or books, ex-rer abandoned by government. Waltham goods are cept the book which we all neglect too much—the protected by a duty on the foreign of 80, if not 100 book of observation, practical experience and acper cent. ad valorem; other manufactures are only tive life: This book which any one may read, is not protected by a duty of 15, 20, 25 and 30: this leads regarded in the belief that what is so common can- us to the enquiry of the application of principlesnot be instructive; that deep research, sound logic why should the duty on coarse cottons be 100, and and wise oracular dissertations are the only sources on coarse linens, worsteds and blankets, only 15 of instruction. It would give me much pleasure The reason is incomprehensible, either in a national to seat myself on an eminence near Waltham with point of view or as a protection to manufactures only. some honest anti-tariffite, and for one day watch the It is not easy to conceive why cotton should have motions of all the in-comers and out-goers at the vil-this immense preference over all other fabricks. lage and factory;-to take a note of what they cannot repeat it too often--if the principle is right, brought in and took out--to ask the passing farmer let it be applied to all manufactures-and that it. what he took to market, the price he obtained, is right, is attested by the unanimous voice of the what he brought home in exchange: to ask the fond country; for not a merchant has ever asked for a mother who had been to see her children, whether repeal of the high duties on cottons. The complete their habits were industrious, frugal, moral--and success of the Waltham factory has silenced opposihow much of their earnings went to the comforts of tion as to cotton goods; every family feels the bene-their aged parents? I would ask one of the wor- ficial effects of the liberal protection to that manuthy mercantile proprietors, what effect it had on facture; and, while the advocates of national indus his commercial pursuits:-and I would cheerfully try were confident that this strong fact would furagree to give up all my tariff doctrines, if the an-nish the most conclusive answer to all the objecswers of all would not be as I could wish. If my tions and an irresistible argument in favor of a geneanti-tariff friend would not be convinced, I would ral system, they have been utterly astonished to find put him this case--Suppose this fine factory should this fact relied on as evidence that further protecbe destroyed by fire, and the proprietors should tion is useless and would be injurious to the country not rebuild it-we will suppose ourselves sitting Here is the argument on both sides-we say that on this same hill one year after the establishment the complete success of one branch of manufactures had been in ruins, and the same farmer, the same is the best evidence in favor of protection to other mother and the same merchant, should all join us, branches-merchants say it is evidence that no and we should join in conversation, comparing the others need it! Now, I wish to ask from mercantile past with the present, the farmer's market, the mo- intelligence the information which will guide my ther's children, the merchant's business--Reader, mind to proper conclusions on this subject:-pray, I need not detail our remarks to you, for you will gentlemen, what benefit accrues to the raisers of imagine them all; you know there is not one of the lead, hemp, flax, wool-the manufacturers of iron, groupe that would not look at the unemployed wa-glass, paper, woollens or linens, from a high duty ter-fall, the ruins of the factory, and say there it on cottons? When the people of the states inte stood; things were not so when the factory was go-rested in these manufactures, call on congress to ing. Suppose we come down to the village-it is give them one-third of the protection that is affordquiet, a few people seen about taverns and retailed to cotton, do you think it a just answer to their stores, houses decaying, children ragged, old peo- petitions "regulate yourselves, the Waltham facple begging; what is the matter-it was not so last tory is doing very well-look at their dividendsyear. O no! but the factory is burnt! This answer manufactures are doing very well." But what is would break from every mouth, and I am much mis- that to us? The duties on cottons benefit no other taken if any anti-tariff man could stand the scene manufacturers-all the union are not proprietors of unconvinced. Every man of this description ought the Waltham factory, nor is that the only manufac to go to Waltham, or some other manufactory, and tory in the country-give us the same protection imagine to himself the difference between a factory that you have given to Waltham; then we "will do at work and a factory burnt. This is the mode of set- very well" and can "regulate ourselves"—what tling questions of political economy and national reply would congress make to these remarkspolicy. What Waltham is, on a large scale, every what reply do you make to them yourselves? Let manufacturing establishment is, on a small one--us apply these principles to commerce, and bring and those are the books which the people must them home to your feelings and your pockets: study, or they will never understand the subject. The East India trade is monopolized by American When they see the practical difference between a shipping-there is not a cargo exported or import,

notice the conduct and the application of the principles of those concerned in it.

ed in a foreign ship-that trade is doing as well as commerce in which it was employed, would excite the Waltham factory-it is, indeed, the Waltham more alarm than the tariff or the abolition of drawof commerce. Now, gentlemen, when you applied backs. Now, I ask the favor of merchants to apply to congress to put a duty on French shipping of 18 the same principles to manufacturers and the prodollars a ton to protect your trade with France, prietors of the Waltham factory, and I invite them would you have been pleased with the application of to come out in a spirit of candor to decide on this your own principles-the East India trade is doing case, as one depending between men of whom they very well,' commerce needs no further protection?" had no knowledge, and with whom they had no when you petitioned for the British navigation act, community of feeling or of interest. In the begindid you expect to be repulsed by the India trade? ning of my remarks, it was with much pleasure Would you not have said, we are not East India mer-that I attempted to do justice to this establishment chants--we trade with Europe and the West Indies-it now becomes a painful, but imperative duty to the India trade is nothing to us? But, gentlemen, it has just as much to do with your commerce as the Waltham factory has with manufactures: it is an The principal proprietors of this establishment atem, a component part only, connected only with are the merchants of Boston, some of them members a general system, bearing no affinity to its detached of the committee who made the elaborate report parts. There are Massachusetts' merchants who against the tariff; the names of the same men who with one hand are signing memorials against fur are the greatest manufacturers in the country, are ther protection to manufactures because the Wal-recorded at Washington as the most decided ene tham factory is doing so well, and, with the other, mies of the manufacturing system: to-day, signing pocketing the bounty on cod-fish. I would like to a receipt for 30 per cent. profit on their capital insee the kind of face they would exhibit, if congress vested at Waltham-to-morrow, putting their signa should repeal the bounties on the fisheries, and tell tures to the Boston report and memorial, in which the Cape Cod and Marblehead fishermen, "the East they tell the government that high duties will entail India trade is doing very well-the fisheries want endless evils on the country! They are the men no bounties." This would bring political economy who will sign libels on themselves by calling manuhome to their understandings through their pock-factories the sinks and kennels of vice, while they ets-this would test principles by their applica- are, with easy and quiet consciences, pocketing tion. Reader, you shall judge between us--is not the wages of pollution; they protest with a truly the comparison a fair one? is not there as much con- Pharisaical grimace against bounties to the few nection between the East India trade and the cod as taxes on the many in the shape of protecting fisheries, as between the cotton factory at Waltham duties, while they are realising splendid fortunes and iron works and paper mills in Pennsylvania and by the benefit of the highest duty on any manuDelaware? I throw myself on the candor of thefactured article in our own tariff! They can see no American public and appeal to their sense of jus- danger of a “privileged order” among the wealthi tice, if it is not gross partiality and palpable injus-est merchants of the union, possessing capital suffitice, to protect one manufacture by a duty of 100 cient for the pursuit of manufactures as well as per cent. and refuse to raise another above 15? commerce, enjoying the benefit of the longest The application of this principle to commerce credits and the highest duties-18 months' credit would rouse the sea-ports to rebellion-if govern- for the duties on the goods they import, and 100 ment should declare they will protect the East In-per cent. duty to protect the goods they make,dia trade and that they will let all other regulate it-they are the last men in the nation who should dare self. Our discriminating duties on tonnage are 94 to speak of monopolies. They import fine muslins per cent. between foreign and domestic-aboutthe and manufacture coarse, thus acquiring the comsame as on Waltham cottons. Suppose our laws plete command of the market. These are the me stood thus-duty on foreign ships engaged in the who predict the ruin of commerce from the success East India trade 50 cts.; light money 50 cts.; in all of manufactures, while their own ledgers will shew a dollar a ton-on American 6 cents. Duty on fo- that both can prosper, not only under the same goreign shipping engaged in the European, West India vernment but the same individual proprietorship; and coasting trade and fisheries, 21 and 31 cents a and yet these are the men who make the most vioton; on American 6 cts: the merchants engaged in lent opposition to a system of equal protection to these branches of commerce petition, congress to our manufactures. The merchants of Liverpool equalize the duties on all branches of trade, or to are not more inveterate against the new tariff than establish something like a correct proportion be- those of Boston, and for the same reason-interest, tween them-I will leave it to merchants to give a self-interest, the inordinate cupidity of satiless avacharacter to the congress that would reject their pe- rice. No eastern merchant will ever object to a titions because the East India trade was 'doing very high duty on any article which is made at a mawell.' Suppose the East India merchants should be nufactory in which he is concerned; but he will the persons who would attempt to raise the indig-oppose every other in which he is not interested. nation of the whole country against the other class-The Boston committee say, if a duty of 25 dollars es of merchants who might dare to put themselves a ton is laid upon iron, that our whole navigation on an equality with their nabobships, raise the hue will be transferred to the British; they would not and cry against the West India trade, call duties to say so if iron was inade at Waltham. I must put a protect it bounties, monopolies and premiums-- few questions to the gentlemen of that committee West India merchants, privileged orders, &c. &c. who are stockholders at Waltham:-If you were -and, in the fulness of their arrogance, exclaim owners of an iron instead of a cotton manufactory, "we are doing well," commerce is flourishing and what would you say of a tariff which would reduce wants no further protection-what would nine- the duty on iron from 32 per cent. to 9 dollars a ton, tenths of our merchants say to such men? Why and raise the duty on cottons from 25 to 100 per they would be hunted down with a more unrelent-cent? If you were asking congress to raise the duty ing spirit of persecution than the committee of on iron from 15 to 25 dollars a ton, what would you manufactures. A diminution of 70 or 80 per cent. say of cotton manufacturers who would come out in the duty on tonnage, according to the branch of and protest against it, as you have done in your re

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port; or, if it had so happened that the duty on iron depressed condition with that of the same class of was now 65 dollars a ton, and on coarse cottons 25 community in England. By a statement in the Lonper cent, and you claimed that a cotton manufactory don Traveller of the 24th of April, the details of was as much deserving of national protection as which render it too long for publication, it appears one of iron, what would you think of iron-masters that the actual loss on a grass farm of 220 acres, at who would tell you "we are doing very well-we the present rental, and price of hay and pasture, is divide 30 per cent. profits-you may regulate your 6137. sterling-that on an arable farm of 600 acres, selves?" In a word, how would you be pleased if 6201. The following is also given as a comparative congress should act on your report, and, under the view of the situation of landed property in 1799 and impression that it was true in fact and sound in rea- the present time:-at the former period an estate soning, repeal the minimum clause of the duty on of 2,600 acres was let in farms at a rent of 8s. 7d. cottons?-then, I think, you would understand the per acre-the average of tythe was 2s. 6d. per application of principles; then you would have a acre, and the poor rates and highways about 1d. fellow feeling for others. Now you have your turn per acre-wheat sold during the years 1798, '99, served you "want no further protection"-your ma- and 1800, at an average of 9. 1d. The same proager, or some person for you, has sent goods to perty at present is let for 218. the acre-the tythe the seat of government with this label on them. amounts to 58. the acre, and the poor and highway Was this fair, gentlemen? did it indicate a national, rates to nearly 6s. the acre, making a difference in a generous, liberal feeling? was it worthy of your these three items alone of 2,4511, on the whole honorable and respectable characters? You have property: the average price of wheat during the a noble establishment, it is enjoying most ample years 1819, '20, and 21, has been about 8s. making national protection-your's is the famed manufac. a difference against the cultivator of more than a tory of the country-the good wishes of all of us shilling a bushel in this most important of his crops, attend your operations--your success affords an in-while labor, and every other expense besides his structive example to the people and the govern rental, are much higher now than they were in ment; we appeal to your establishment with pride 1799. From this picture, which we must presume and confidence to refute the various objections to a correct one, we may turn, if not with satisfaction, the encouragement of national industry-But certainly not with despondency, to the situation of you are not acting generously with others; you our own interior, where the embarrassment of the have suffered yourselves to become not only pro-farmer, although great, is not irremediable; where minent but leaders in the opposition to imparting the burthen that oppresses him is the creation of to others only a small portion of the favors which temporary causes, not the growth of those that are are so abundantly awarded to you. Deal fairly with fixed in the defects of his governments, and inseothers-be satisfied with something less than anparable from its existence. The American farmer entire monopoly; remember that your success is is generally the lord of his own soil; he has no no consolation to other manufacturers who are compulsory tribute to pay to a form of religious writhing under despair of equal protection; that worship at variance with his own faith; nor is he the justice and favors of government ought to be sunk to the ground by the necessity of maintaining, diffused as impartially as the bounties of Provi-in idle and vicious pauperism, the tenth part of his dence: you are doing injustice to yourselves, you fellow-citizens. If he is not rich, he is not necesare compromitting your reputation, by lending your influence to aid our opponents. You are deceived, if you think your influence can control the policy of the national legislature--that they will long continue so partial and unjust as to persevere in this odious and shameful discrimination between manufacturers of cotton and all others. Be content with what you enjoy, the world is large enough for all of us-you cannot manufacture every thing-the prosperity of your neighbors will not injure you; it We see from the preceding, how deeply the will enable them to deal more largely at Waltham. Your market is sure, your profits are large-what landholders of England are interested in keeping objections ought you to have to paper makers and up the prohibition on bread stuffs, unless the ave woollen manufacturers doing as well as yourselves?rage of wheat shall exceed a certain amount. It is Do not, by putting your names again to such a me- now at nearly 8s. or about 170 cents per bushel. It morial and report, expose yourselves to the impu- might be supplied at one dollar a busliel, or even tation of inconsistency which you cannot repel, or less-but the people are compelled to pay as above, to the still greater danger of having your own prin-that the land tax may be collected, the priestciples applied to your own manufactory. For, if there hood supported, the paupers maintained, and the We do not find fault with the English gois justice in man or integrity in a republican go- landlords live in splendor, on the sweat of the tenvernment, the duties on cottons will not long re-ants! main at 100 and linens at 15. If you do not wish vernment for this policy-the ministry are not to to array yourselves on the side of your friends and be told that protection to national industry is the allies, remain neuter; do not be found in the oppo-only way by which the public taxes and parochial site ranks: the day of national triumph will come, and when it comes, deserters and traitors will fare worse than open enemies.—[ Communicated.

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State of the Agriculturalists.

FROM THE NEW-YORK AMERICAN.

sitous; and although he may want some of the luxuries, he has yet within his reach all the essentials, of life. He has before him, too, a prospect to cheer him under the privations and difficulties to which he may be subjected; and may look forward to ease and opulence, as the recompence of industry and temporary privation. The English agriculturist, if he look beyond the present for allevia. tion, sees nothing but impending ruin to himself and beggary to his offspring.

exactions can be satisfied; but we do complain that Englishmen and English agents in the United States are so impudent as to oppose the self-same princi ple here on which their government exists at "home." The British doctrine about "let us alone" -"let trade regulate itself"-like Italian religion, is "for exportation:" it will not do for home use. It

If the spread of misfortune can afford any allevia. would bankrupt every farmer in three months, retion of its pressure, the agriculturists of this coun-duce the "mobility, gentry and clergy" to absolute try may feel somewhat relieved by comparing their I want in a twelve-month, and soon stop "the wheels

of government." Strange, that what is right in one [1821, to the hon. secretaries of the war and navy country should be wrong in another! It is not so. departments, were accompanied by every necessary What would a hard-working farmer of Pennsyl-plan, table, &c. and embrace every naval and mili vania think if a rosy-faced priest was to enter upon his land and demand a dollar an acre per annum as his share of the produce?-what would he do? He would think that the priest was a most impertinent fellow; and, without respecting his "cloth," give him a handsome dressing, or set "Towser" at him. [ED. REG.

Report on Fortifications.

tary consideration, both as to the attack, and as to the defence of the frontier, as to fixing the sites for the great naval depots, and as to protecting, by the general system of defence, the general system of internal navigation. We must refer to the details of these reports to show the importance of estab lishing a complete system for the protection of the frontiers, and the necessity of building this system upon principles harmonizing with the modern sys. tem of warfare. It will be seen, that most of the exDepartment of war, 12th of February, 1821. isting forts only defend single points, and satisfy SIR-In compliance with a resolution of the house only a few essential conditions; and that they have of representatives of the 9th instant, directing not been planned with a view to the defence of the "that the secretary of war report to that house the frontiers, considered as one great and combined progress which has been made by the board of en-system, whose several parts should be connected gineers, in determining the sites and plans of for- and should mutually support each other. The na tifications of the coast of the United States; the vy yards (excepting that of Charlestown near Bossites which may have been selected; the estimates ton) have all been improperly placed: the conve of the expense in completing the several works,niencies for the erection of the necessary estab the number of troops necessary to garrison them in lishments having alone been taken into considera. peace, and in war; the progress made in erecting tion, while all the other requisites for points so the fortifications, the advantages resulting from the important, such as security against attack by sea or system when completed, particularly in reducing land, facily of receiving all kinds of building mathe expense of defending the Atlantic frontier," terials in time of yar as well as in time of peace, I have the honor to enclose a report of the board vicinity to a place of rendezvous, have been over. of engineers, marked A, and a report of the engi-looked. neer department, marked B, which give the in- A defensive system for the frontiers of the Unitformation required by the resolution. ed States is therefore yet to be created; its bases It may be proper to observe, that the projected are, first, a navy; second, fortifications; third, intefortifications have been distributed into three clas-rior communication by land and water; and, fourth, ses, according to their relative importance, and that a regular army and well organized militia: these it is determined to erect those of the first class, means must all be combined so as to form a comprevious to the commencement of the second and plete system. third classes, with the exception of the works at Mobile Point and Dauphin Island. These works were commenced in preference to those projected at Bayou Bienvenue, and Fort St. Philip; for, although the latter are placed in the first class, it was not however deemed proper to commence with them, as they were much less extensive than the two former, and could be completed in a short time, should the state of our relations with other powers render it necessary.

The contractors for the works at the Rigolets were, by the arrangements with them, to have erected those contemplated at Chef Menteur, but so many impediments have been encountered, that it has been necessary for them to confine their operations wholly to the former.

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
J. C. CALHOUN,

Hon. Jonx W. TAYLOR,

Speaker of the house of representatives.

TO THE HON. SECRETARY OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT. City of Washington, February 7, 1821. SIR-The following summary of the operations of the board of engineers, called for by your order, is respectfully submitted.

The navy must, in the first place, be provided with proper establishments for construction and repair, harbors of rendezvous, stations, and ports of refuge. It is only by taking into view the general character, as well as the details, of the whole frontier, that we can fix on the most advantageous points for receiving these naval depots, harbors of rendezvous, stations, and ports of refuge.

On these considerations, Burwell's bay, in James' river, and Charlestown near Boston, have been especially recommended by the commission, as the most proper sites for the great naval arsenals of the south and of the north. Hampton roads and Bos. ton roads as the chief rendezvous, and Narraganset bay as an indispensable accessary to Boston roads. (See reports of 1819 and 1820.)

It is also from an attentive consideration of the whole maritime frontier, of the interior, and of the coastwise navigation, that Mobile bay on the gulf of Mexico, St. Mary's in the Chesapeake, the Delaware, New York bay, Bayard's bay, New London, Marblehead, Portsmouth, Portland, the mouths of the Kennebeck and Penobscot, and Mount Desert bay, have been fixed upon as stations and ports of refuge; as necessary and essential to our merchant vessels as to our navy,

The commission charged with reconnoitering the Smithville and Beaufort, North Carolina; Ann frontiers of the United States, has completed the polis and Baltimore, Maryland; New Haven, Con three most important sections of the maritime boun-necticut; Salem, in Massachusetts; and Wiscasset, daries, viz: The coast of the Gulf of Mexico, the in Maine, have likewise been examined with attencoast between Cape Hatteras and Cape Cod, and tion, with a view to secure them from attack by sea the coast between Cape Cod and the river St. Croix. or land. (See reports of 1819, 1820, and 1821.) The coast between Cape Hatteras and Cape Fear has likewise been surveyed; and the only section which remains to be examined, to complete the reconnoissance of the coast, is South Carolina and Georgia.

The reports presented in 1818, 1819, 1820 and

St. Mary's river and Savannah, in Georgia, Beaufort, Charleston, and Georgetown, in South Carolina, will be examined and surveyed in the course of this year.

After determining the general and connected system of naval depots, harbors of rendezvous,

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