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Mr. Foot's Resolution.

(March 15, 1830.

appellation of Protector. One other incident which I re- mantle of his patriotism, talents, and virtues, has fallen on member took place in the gay world of which my youth his son and successor in this body. then made me a denizen. The citizens of New York, I have given you, sir, so much of the history and state among other marks of hospitality, and desire to show a of parties as was necessary for the understanding of the proper attention to the Great Man, who had just reluc- refutation I must make of a charge brought against me, tantly given up his retirement at the unanimous voice and those with whom it was my happiness to associate, his fellow-citizens, gave a grand inauguration ball; on the and will always be my pride to have acted, in those times. ceremonial of which it was said one, at least, of those who I repeat the charge verbatim, from the printed speech of afterwards composed his cabinet, was consulted. But the Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER.) Speakthough he came from the Eastward, I do not mean to say ing of the merits of New England, which I, at least, never that this was an Eastern measure. In a conspicuous part attempted to lessen, he says, he or will not rake into the of the large ball room was erected a superb canopy, and rubbish of by-gone times to blot the escutcheon of any under the canopy was placed what the ill-natured demo. State, any party, or any part of the country;" yet, sir, in crats called a throne. (Whether it was or not, never having the same page, he endeavors to fix a blot of the blackest had the honor to see one, I cannot tell.) Napoleon said, a ingratitude on a party, on men (I do not speak, sir, of throne is a block of wood covered with velvet. This was myself) who have rendered most important services to a small sofa or large chair, covered with some costly ma- the country; to one of whom it has given the highest mark terial, and on it they induced the President to sit; and when of its confidence and esteem, and all of whom were, in the music sounded for the dance, every couple, before the transaction alluded to, much more sinned against than they took their station in the long column of the country sinning. The honorable gentleman goes on to say: "Gendances, then in fashion, were directed to go up and make eral Washington's administration was steadily and zeaa low obeisance, to the great annoyance of the President, lously maintained, as we all know, by New England. It who is said, when he quitted the seat, (in which he bad was violently opposed elsewhere. We know in what thus reluctantly and by surprise been placed) thus to have quarter he had most earnest, constant, and persevering addressed the contrivers of the ceremonial, with some support, in all his great and leading measures. We know warmth: “You have made a fool of me once, but I will where his private and personal character was held in the take care you never do it again.” Such fooleries, sir, are highest degree of a tachment and veneration; and we hardly worth relating, but they are characteristic of the know tou where his measures were opposed, his services views of parties; at least they were thought so then. slighted, and his character vilified. We know, or we nuga, said the democrats, (or such of them as understood might know, if we turn to the Journals, who espressed Latin) seria ducent; and many of the more apprehensive respect, gratitude, and regret, when he retired from the thought they saw royalty typified in these signs of the times. Chief Magsitracy; and who refused to express respect, These imaginary fears soon gave way; but others of great-gratitude, or regret: I shall not open these Journals.".. er reality succeeded them. Circumstances of historical Sir, the honorable gentleman would have done well to notoriety influenced the minds of both parties with fo- open the Journals, or not to have referred to them. If he reign predilections and animosities; and the federal party, had opened them, he would have found the name of the which had constantly been predominant in Congress, seal- individual who addresses you arrayed with those of men ed their construction of the powers of the General Go. more worthy of note, in the vote to which he alludes. If vernment by the passage of the alien law and the sedition he had opened the debates which led to that vote, as I law. Nothing could exceed the indignation which these think he ought to have done, be would have seen box practical applications of the federal doctrine excited in utterly void of foundation is the charge he has hrouglit. the minds of their opponents. An attack on the liberty I du not think the gentleman intended any personal alluof the press, not only unauthorized but forbidden by the sion to me--the terms of civility on which we are, forbid constitution by the one act, the arbitrary power vested in it--the consciousness of having said nothing to provoke the President by the other, opened the eyes of the people the attack forbids it--but, sir, the individual who cannot to the principles of the party by which they were passed, arrogate to himself sufficient importance to justify the and, at the very next election, they were deprived of a supposition that he was the object intended, was, at that power they had so grossly abused. Having mentioned the time, the Representative, the sole Representative, of the alien law, let me stop to perform an act of justice to de- first commercial city in the Union. That individual is ceased worth. In the first stages of that bill, for it was now one of the members of this body, representing a sohurried through the House, I was absent from the seat vereign State. He owes it, therefore, to those who have with which I was then honored in the House of Represen- offered him these marks of their confidence, to show that tatives. I returned on the day set for its third reading they were not unworthily bestowed; he owes it to himBefore I went to the House, I met with a Senator from self to disprove the reflection whiclí the allegation casts Virginia, who, notwithstanding the disparity of our years, on his character. Suffer me, also, (said Mr. L.} to rehonored me with his friendship, sometimes instructed mark, that this very charge was used during the late elecme by his advice, and always stimulated me by his ex- tion; and that the refutation I am about to give was so ample. The conversation naturally turned on the mea- widely cliffused that it is somewhat singular it should never sure depending before the House; and he detailed to have come to the Senator's knowledge, or that he should me its provisions, spoke with his usual animation of its have forgotten it if it bad. Yet one or the other must unconstitutional features, and inspired me with his own have been the case, or he would not now have repeated indignation against its attack on the liberty of the nation. the tale, nor, by incorporating it in his cloquent harangue, Warmed with this conversation, I went to the House and have given new currency to a refuted calumny which had made a speech in opposition to the bill, which was at the long before been nailed to the counter. time spoken of with applause, and sometimes attracts at- able gentleman believes the story to be true, and surely ing to the circumstances I have related; and I might have must give it the like credit; and it increases the obligation addressed him who urged me to declare my sentiments on I am under to explain all the circumstances attending it. the occasion, in the words of the poet to his muse- I have shown, sir, what were the doctrines and mea"Rwal spiru et placeo (si placeoj quum esi."

sures of the federal party at that time. During the whole of The country has since been deprived of the services of the Presidency of Washington they were that Senator, but she has the consolation to know that the both Houses; and as Washington was the head of the Gor

vernment, one of their greatest objects was, to cover a! *The late Mr. Tazewell.

Since the hcuor

predominant in

March 15, 1830.)
Mr. Foot's Resolution.

(SENATE their proceedings with the popularity of his name; to re- tion of General Washington, and the discussions on the present all opposition to their measures, as personal hos- treaty in the first session of the fourth Congress, the setility to him; and to force the republican party either to venth year of his Presidency: In his speech on the openapprove all their measures, or, by opposing them, to incur ing of the second session of the same Congress, (I repeat, the odium of being unfriendly to the Father of his Coun- sir, what I formerly wrote on this occasion) he alluded in try. In this they were for the most part defeated. The affecting terms to his approaching retirement from office. universal confidence reposed in the high character of I can solemnly say, for myself

, that, on this occasion, so far Washington, the gratitude felt for his services, the vene- from any ill feeling towards the President, none among ration for his name, had practically produced the effect, those who arrogated to themselves the title of his excluin our Government, which a constitutional maxim has in sive friends, could feel more sincerely, or were more disthat of England. He could not, it was believed, do wrong, posed to express, every sentiment of gratitude for his sermost certainly he never meant wrong--most certainly his vices, admiration for his character, or wishes for his hapardent wisies were for the happiness of the country he piness, than I was. These were ideas that had grown up had conducted through so many perils, and the preserva- with me from childhood. I had rever heard the name of tion of that forin of Government which had been adopted Washington pronounced but with veneration by those near under his auspices—yet measures were adopted, during relatives who were engaged with lim in the same perilous his Presidency, which a very large proportion of the coun- struggle. Independence, liberty, and victory, were assotry thought injurious to their interests, and, on one occa- ciated with it in my mind; and the awful admiration which sion, a majority of their Representatives deemed them to I felt, when, yet a boy, I was first acmitted to his presence, be an infringement on their privileges. None of these yielded only to the more rational sentiments of gratitude were ascribed to the President: a practice which he in- and national pride, when, at a maturer age, I could appretroduced, enabled us to ascribe to his administration (to ciate his services, and estimate the honor his virtues and which in truth they belonged) all the measures of which character bad conferred on the naton. I had seen him in ve disapproved. The practice alluded to, was that of as the hour of peril, when the conest was doubtful, and sembling the Heads of Department in a cabinet council, when his life and reputation, as well as the liberties of the and being guided, as was generally understoorl, by the country, depended on the issue. I had seen him in the opinion of a majority in all important concerns. Hence moment of triumph, when the surrender of a hostile army the official acts of the President came to be considered as bad secared that indeperdence. My admiration followed those of his cabinet, and were, in common parlance, call him in his first retreat, and was not lessened by his quited the acts of the administration; and they were opposed, ting it to give the aid of his name and influence to the when it was deemed necessary, and canvassed, and freely union of the States unde an efficient Government. In adspoken of in debate, without any hostility being felt, dition to this, he had received me with kindness in my 02 supposed to be felt, towards the President. Indeed, youthful visits to his canp; and, without having it in my several of those most prominent in opposition to the acts power to boast of any particular intimacy, circumstances of the administration, were men for whom Washing- had thrown me frequenty in the way of receiving from him ton had the highest esteem, and who were among those such attentions as indicated some degree of regard. With who most admired and revered him.

these motives for joining in the most energetic expressions of the acts to which the republican party were'opposed, of gratitude, with a heat filled with sentiments of venerait may be necessary to specify some, in order to show that tion, and desirous of recording them, my concern can scarcethe opposition was not a frivolous or a personal one. ly be expressed, when I bund that I must be debarred from

The Chief Justice of the United States was sent as a joining my voice with those of my fellow-citizens in exminister plenipotentiary to England, while he held his ju- pressing those feelings, unless, in the same breath, I should dicial office, which he retained until after his return. Thus, pronounce a recantation of principles which I then thought, in our opinion, blending the Executive and the Judicial and still think, were well founded, and declare that I ap. Departments, directed by the constitution to be separated, proved measures which I had just solemnly declared i and setting an example which might create an undue in-thought irjurious to the country. fluence on the bench, in favor of the Executive.

Thus, Sir, it was contrived: At that period, the PreThis minister negotiated a treaty, which contained stipu-sident opened the session by a speech, (the more conve. lations requiring the agency of the House of Representa- nient mode of sending a message having been introduced lives, in the exercise of their constitutional powers over five years afterwards by Mr. Jefferson), and the House the subject of them, to carry into effect. To enable them made an answer, which they presented in a body. The discreetly to exercise these powers, the House respect. answer on this occasion was most artfully and most ably fully requested the communication of such papers, in re- drawn. It was the work of a federal committee, and was lation to the treaty, as could, without injury to our foreign supported by a federal majority. It contained, as it ought relations, be made public. This request the President to have contained, every expression that gratitude, venewas advised to refuse ; and the refusal was grounded on ration, and affectionate regret, coull suggest ; and to the a denial of the constitutional right of the House to exer- adoption of these there would not have been a dissenting cise any discretion in carrying the treaty into effect. On voice; it would have been carried, not only unanimously, this refusal the House of Representatives passed a resolu- but by acclamation. But the doninant party had other tion declaratory of the right which the President had de- views; it was to be made the instrument of degrading nied. I will not trouble the Senate with adverting to any their opponents, if they could vote for it, or of holding other measures which I, and those who acted with me, op- them up to all posterity as oppose's of the Savior of his posed. We opposed them, sir, without, in any instance, country if they refused to pronource their own condeillforgetting the sentiments of respect, gratitude, and high nation. They preferred a paltry party triumph to the admiration, which were clue to the name and character of glory of the man they professed to honor, and deprived Washington. We believe that it would have been a dere- him of the expression of an unanimous vote, that they liction of duty to give up the independent expression of might have some pretence to stigmatize their opponents that opinion, because it was contrary to measures falsely with ingratitude. The press, sir, the omnipotent press, ascribed to a name they revered; and conscious of the and the publicity of our debates, have enabled me, even weight of that name, I may, without vanity, say, there at this chistant day, to defeat this unworthy end--unworthy was some degree of merit in stemming the tide of popu- of the honorable men who contrived and executed it, and larity that was attached to it.

which nothing but the excitement of party could have sugThe mission of Mr. Jay took place after the second elec-lgested to thein.

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[March 15, 1830.

To understand this fully, sir, I should read to you the filled. Say, finally, sir, whether the Senator from Massawhole of the address. Its general character I have stated. chusetts is justified in the allegation, that we refused to exBut I will confine myself to one or two passages, which press respect, gratitude, ard regret, on the retirement of show what was endeavored to be forced upon us, and the Washington; or, what is more than insinuated, that we amendment offered will show what we were willing to say, slighted his services and vilified his character. Sir, the and I will then ask who it was that refused a unanimous register I have quoted shows, that I supported my amendexpression of gratitude, respect, and merit?

ment by expressing the very sentiments you have just The debates of that period were very concisely taken heard; and I must add, that, shortly after this transaction, down; but (in Carpenter's Debates, p. 62) we find enough while my votes, speeches, and conduct, were fresh in the for our purpose. It is there stated that Mr. Livingston recollection of my constituents, my term of service expired, expressed his sorrow " that the answer was not so drawn and I was re-elected by an increased majority. Would a as to avoid this debate, and his sincere hope that parties man, entertaining the sentiments towards Washington would so unite as to make it agreeable to all. He moved that have been ascribed to me, have received the votes of some amendments, first, to correct an error in the phrase- a city where his name was adored? Nay, more sir, one of ology, which were adopted; and, in the course of his re- the most conspicuous of those who have incurred the remarks, used these expressions: He hoped, notwithstand proach of the Senator from Massachusetts, and for whose ing the tenacity of adherence to words, that all might sole use it was perhaps designed—the President of the agree in the address; he would be extremely hurt, [he United States-was not long since elected, by the veteran said) could he conceire that we differed in sentiments of relics of the Revolutionary war, the chosen companions in gratitude and admiraton for that great man; but, while he arms of their venerated commander, the New York Sowas desirous to express this, he could not do it at the ex- ciety of Cincinnati, as one of the very few honorary mempense of his feelings and principles. The former he might bers on whom that distinction has been bestowed. They sacrifice, but the latter he could not, to any man.

have, since that, done me the same honor. Would the ve. I invite the particuhr attention of the Senate to the pas- nerable remnant of the friends and companions of Washsage which I proposed to alter. As it stood in the address, ington, associated under his auspices for the purpose of it was in these words:

cherishing the friendships contracted during the contest he “ And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your so gloriously conducted, and watching over his fame, so wise, firm, and patriotic administration has been signally inseparably connected with their own--would they have conducive to the success of the present form of Govern- conferred this distinction on two men, who had, at any pement, we cannot forbear to expless the deep sensations of riod of their lives, shown themselves his enemies or deregret with which we contemplate your intended retire-tractors? Me, sir, they knew from my childhood--my ment from office."

whole life was before them. Atthe time these votes were Now, sir, mark what were the words objected to in this given, I was their immediate Representative; many of them sentence ; bear in mind the disinctions that have been were opposed to me in the politics of the day, but they drawn between the character of the President, and that of knew my conduct to have been such as I have described, his administration; remember whit was the sense in which and they did justice to my motives; and most assuredly would that worel was universally used at that day: recollect, too, not have joined in my unanimous association with their what I have just said of the opposition to one of the lead honorable body, had they doubted the purity of either. ing measures of that administratiɔn, and you will then be In the course of this defensive part of my address to the enabled to judge whether I, and those with whom I acted, Senate, I have been obliged to refer, with some minutecould give our assent to this passige as it stood. To show, ness, to the state of parties at a remote period. I have however, that, while we could not, with consistency or done so with no desire to renew forgotten animosities, of truth, say, that the measures of she cabinet were wise and impute injurious designs to the living or the dead. The patriotic, but that we were perfectly willing to use these latter consideration has induced me to stop short of the epithets as applied to the President, 1 moved to strike out scenes which occurred in this place, in the first session that the words “ wise, firm, and patriotic administration," and was held here; much of what I know, more of what I insert your wisdom, firmness, and patriotism.” The sen heard, would have this tendency, if detailed. Designs of tence then would have read thus: "While we entertain a the most violent and disorganizing kind were ascribed to grateful conviction, that your wisdom, firmness, and pat- some of the federal party, in a letter bearing the signa: riotism, have been signally conducive to the success of the ture of one of its distinguished members. This statement present form of Government, we cannot forbear to express was attributed by mistake to another, a no less respectayour intended retirement from office." Now, sir, com- ceased. It does not enter into my purpose to determine the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate ble leading man of the same party, both of them since depare this clause, which we were all ready to vote for, and between them. I had a high respect for both, and an in did vote for, with that which was supported by the majo: timacy with one, which was never interrupted by our dif. rity; and say which o’them expresses the greatest venera- ference in political tenets; in truth, I had, during the whole tion for the person, md the personal character of Wash course of those violent times, the good fortune to preserve ington--that which ascribes wisdom, firmness, and patriot- the most friendly intercourse with most of my principal ism, to the measures of his cabinet, or that which attaches political opponents. I thought their political principles

Say, whether we refused to express re- dangerous, and they thought my ideas of Government ingret at his retirement when that word, accompanied by efficient; but we did justice to the purity of cach other's an epithet most expresive of its intensity, is readily adopi- motives, and preserved social harmony amid party discord. ed. Say who were the real friends to the glory of our It is far, therefore, I repeat, from my intention, to renew great leader in war, and director in peace-those who, for heats which are now allayed, by a reference to the olden a paltry party triumpt, deprived him of an unanimous ex- times of party; but I referred to them because they were pression of thanks and admiration; who forced him to ap- necessary to my defence. Because, having left the Atlanpear rather as the chic of a party, than in his true charac- tic States soon after the triumph of the republican party ter, of the man uniting all affections, regretted, beloved, in 1800, I thought, on my return to public life, after a revenerated by all his felow-citizens; or those who intreat-tirement of more than twenty years—I thought I discover ed that , on this occasion at least

, party considerations ed some of the great dogmas of federalismo prevailing in should be laid aside, and that they might be permitted to our public councils: and thinking them always dangerous, join their voice

to that of their country, and of the world, I felt it a duty to take this occasion to guard against their in expressing the sentiments with which their hearts were revival. Engaged during my absence in professional pur

MARCH 15, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

(SENATE.

suits, and wholly absorbed by them, I had not marked the Yes, sir, the poet tells us true. These few lines conchanges of political parties or events. I knew not even tain a most important lesson. Not long before he wrote the appellation by which they were distinguished; but in them, there existed a confederacy of independent States, whatever shape the old dangerous federal doctrine of as- united, as ours are, by the same religion, language, mansuming all power under the claim of providing for the ge- ners, and laws. Fair cities, adorned with noble edifices, neral welfare, may have appeared; under whatever colors decorated by the miracles of the imitative arts, governed its partisans may enrol themselves, quocunque nomine gau- by wise magistrates, and defended by intrepid warriors dent, Federalists, Federal Republican, or National Fede- where sages gave lessons of morality and wisdom-poured ralits, I now do, and ever will, hold it a paramount duty to forth their numerous inhabitants at stated seasons to assist discover and oppose their doctrines. know that many at solemn games, where poets Sing, and historians read who belonged to the federal party never did entertain their instructive pages to admiring crowds; where the this dangerous opinion: I believe that many who did enter- young contended for the prize of agility or strength, and tain, lave abjured it; I most sincerely hope they all have; the old recounted their former exploits; where the wisand thinking this a favorable occasion to produce a dis- dom, and valor, and talent, and beauty, of each State, claimer of them, I have seized it to submit the propriety were the boast and pride of the whole. What followed? of doing so. Should this doctrine be formally abandoned Civil dissension breathed its poisonous influence over here, one great source of suspicion and ill feeling will be them, and they met to contend, not for the peaceful prizes destroyed; and even after that is done, sufficient causes of of dexterity or genius, but in the deadly strife of civil dissension will remain to satisfy the most zealous lover of war. Where are their magnificent temples, their theaparty.

tres, their statues of gods and heroes? They have vanThese (said Mr. L.) were some of my reasons for ished: they have been swept with the besom of destrucspeaking of the history of party under our Government. tion! The ploughshare of devastation has been driven I had another. It was to mark the difference between the over their walls, and their mighty ruins remain as monunecessary, and, if I may so express it, the legitimate par-mental warnings to free States, of the danger of falling ties existing in all free Governments, founded on differen- into the excess of party rage. ces of opinion in fundamental principles, or an attachment

From these evils, may Heaven, in its mercy, preserve to, or dislike of, particular measures and particular men; our beloved country: but, that this prayer may be heard, between these and that spirit of dissension into which they we must begin by correcting in ourselves every approach are apt to degenerate, to throw the weight of my experi of the passions which lead to them. Is there no danger? ence, and the little my opinions may have, in the scale, Have no symptoms appeared to justify a fear that too great and lift up a warning voice against the indulgence of the an excitement has been already produced by no sufficient passions which lead to them, the illusions that irritate, the cause? I am no censor of the conduct of others: it is sufpersonal reflections that embitter debate, and the alterca. ficient for me to watch over my own. The wisdom of tions that debase it. The spirit of which I speak origi- gentlemen must be their guide ir the sentiments they en. nates in the most trifling as well as the most important cir- tertain, and their discretion in the language in which they cumstances, The liberties of a nation, or the color of a utter them. No doubt they think the occasion calls for cockade, are sufficient to excite it. It creates imaginary, the warmth they have shown; but of this the people must and magnifies real causes of complaint; arrogates to itself judge; and, that they may judge with impartiality, let the every virtue--denies every merit to its opponents; secret

facts which have drawn forih the nvectives we have heard, ly entertains the worst designs, publicly imputes them to

be fairly submitted to them. its adversaries: poisons domestic happiness with its dissen

We have heard much of supposed lines of division in sions; assails the character of the living with calumny, and, this body. "This side of the House” and “the other invading the very secrets of the grave with its viperous side,”. O majority” and “minority," "opposition” and slanders, destroys the reputation of the dead, harangues in

“administration, are as familiarly mentioned as if they the market place, disputes at the social board, distracts were universally understood. Now, sir, I profess my igpublic councils with unprincipled propositions and in- norance.

In what cause have the Senators of the United trigues, embitters their discussions with invective and re

States arranged themselves into different bodies, and arcrimination, and degrades them by personalities and vul. "ayed themselves under adverse banners? If the danger. gar abuse; seats itself on the bench, clothes itself in the ous doctrine of undefined and undefinable powers in the robes of justice, soils the purity of the ermine, and poisons General Government be assumed as the watchword; if the the administration of justice in its source; mounts the pul- dormant--I had thought the extinct-principles of perpit, and, in the name of a God of mercy and peace, preach: and I, for one, will not hesitate on which side of the par,

secuting federalism are to be revived, let it be declared; es discord and vengeance, invokes the worst scourges of Heaven, war, pestilence, and famine, as preferable alter- ty line I shall be found As yet, sir, I see no constitutional

We unnatives to party defeat: Blind, vindictive, cruel, remorse question of a permanent nature to divide us. less, unprincipled, and at last frantic, it communicates its doubtedly think differently of particular measures, and madness to friends as well as foes, respects nothing, fears have our preferences for particular men; these, surely, nothing, rushes on the sword, braves the dangers of the cannot arrange us into any but temporary divisions, lasting ocean, and would not be turned from its mad career by no longer than while the election of the man is pending, the majesty of Heaven itself, armed with its tremendous has been long decided. Do gentlemen understand that,

or the debate on the measure continues. The election thunders.

because they preferred another candidate, they are to The tristes iræ of the poet,

form an opposition to all measures the President recomQuas neque noricus

mends, or to all appointments he has made? Do they Deterret ensis, nec mare naufragum, Nec sævus ignis, nec tremendo

imagine that those who supported him in his election are, Jupiter ipse rurns tumulti.

in this House, to form a separate party for the indiscrimi. And to which, with an elegance of expression and pro- nate approbation of all he may advise or do? Of their fundity of thought rarely united, he ascribes the ruin of own intentions, gentlemen are the best judges; they must republics:

think for themselves, and draw what lines they choose for

their own conduct; but, for one, sir, I inform them they Stetere causæ cur perirent

cannot do so for me. I shall now, as I have always done, Fundilus, imprimeretque muris

exercise my own judgment, guided by the instruction I receive from debate, on all important measures.

I gave

Et altis urbibus ultiine

Hostile aratruni exercitus insolens.

SEYATE.]
Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[MARCH 15, 1830. to the election of the present Chief Magistrate all the aid probation. I expected a detail of facts supported by which my vote and little influence could give. My own proof, and of calm and clear deductions from those facts. knowledge of facts enabled me to refute many slanders; Need I say that I have been mistaken? When I heard from my intimate acquaintance with his character and services the Senator from Maine “ that this administration had glutgave some weight to the testimony by which I cleared ted its vengeance upon the purest patriots on earth; that them from misrepresentation. I thought him entitled to no age, condition, or sex, had escaped; that the sins of the the place, because he possessed talents which eminently fathers had been visited upon the children to the third and qualified him to execute its duties; because he had reii- fourth generation; that innocence, virtue, patriotism, bad dered services such as but one man had ever before ren- all, all been swept into the gulf of misery” and listened dered to the country; because I had witnessed the energy, to the impressive tone in which the eloquent Senator from courage, prudence, and talent, by which he saved the Delaware reprobated the spirit of oriental despotism, State I represent from the worst of desolations. These which had displaced deputy postmasters, and recalled unwere my inducements for his support during the first elec-offending ministers from abroad: need I repeat that I was tion when he was a candidate. The decision of that elec- disappointed ? Now, I ask, will not the country ask, What tion, in favor of a man liaving a fewer number of votes, is there to justify such exaggerated invective? Language was calculated to embitter the minds of his friends, and that might be applied to the tyranny of Nero or Caracalla, make them hostile to the successful candidate. Yet, sir, but which is evidence of nothing but a heated imagina. during his Presidency, I gave a practical proof of the tion, when used to express disapprobation of removals profession I now make. A measure of great importance from, and appointments to, office. But let us, sir, before was proposed by his administration, mean the Panama we catch the infection of this fever, while our pulse still mission--I thought great good might result from it; and, beats evenly, and our heads are cool, examine calmly into although it was violently opposed by those with whom 1 the oppressions of the Executive, which have excited this had acted in the election, I not only voted for, but sup- patriotic fervor. The honorable Senator from Maine did ported it by argument. I then thought, and I still think, not deign a single specification, except one; which, I conthat its nature and object were both of them misrepre- fess, I cannot fully comprehend--this bloody administration, sented or misunderstood; and that, if the assembly had which, in its savage warfare, spares neither men, women, taken place as it was first proposed, our envoys attending nor children, has visited, in its vengeance, the sins of the in a diplomatic, not a representative character, might, by fathers upon the third and fourth generation of their detheir influence and advice, have prevented many dissen- scendants. Now, sir, I cannot comprehend what offence sions that have since distracted those republics; might the great-great-grandfather of any one of the removed have introduced stipulations favorable to commerce, so- officers, who must have lived in the reign of Queen Ann, cial intercourse, and the great interests of humanity. My could have given to the President, or any one in his admireasons for that vote are published. And the fact, that, nistration: this, I confess, puzzles me. although one of the warmest friends of the unsuccessful The Senator from Delaware has been more explicit; candidate, and one of those who felt the deepest regret and, from his address, to which I listened with great plea. when his opponent was declared to be elected, I yet sup. sure, I gathered that these were the grounds of complaint: ported such measures of his administration as I approved, That the principles of the administration are destructive when they were opposed by my political friends, ought of the liberties of the country. Such were the words used to be a sure pledge of my sincerity when I say, that I will as I noted them, and not without much surprise. support no important measure that I disapprove, merely That the public treasure has been extravagantly and because it is one of the present administration. I have illegally expended. not, however, the passion avowed by the honorable Sen. That the press has been subsidized, for party purposes. ator from Maine, [Mr. HOLMES) who told us, if I under That persons have been removed from otfice, without siood him, that he had always been, and always wished the advice and consent of the Senate--the President har. to be, in a minority. [Mı. HOLMES explained--He did ing no constitutional right to do so. not say he desired to be ir a minority, but that he believ. That, if there be such a right, it is illegal to exercise it, ed he always would be.] Mr. LIVINGSTON continued: without giving to the Senate the reasons for which the reIt seems I have not repeated the words used by the Hon. movals were made. Senator, which I regret; but the sease is the same. If he That removals have been made for no other cause than has always been in the minority it nust have been a mat- to satisfy the vengeance of the President, or for the purter of choice, otherwise, in the ups and downs of his con- pose of rewarding his friends. gressional life, in the turns of the political wheel, it must That he has made appointments out of the two Houses have so happened that, for a short ime at least, he must of Congress, and particularly out of the Senate, for the have been uppermost; if so, it struck me as a singular purpose of rewarding his friends. predilection. But there is no dispiting about tastes; and of each of these grave charges in its order:the Senator has, at.least, one great precedent for his: First, [says the Senator from Delaware) the principles Vietrix causa diis placuit, sed victa Catoni.

of the administration are destructive of the liberties of the

people. By administration the Senator must mean, here And I am sure he cannot be offended by my classing him and on other occasions where he uses the term, the Prewith the stern republican who woull not survive the liber-sident: for, as far as I have understood, there is now no ties of his country, as a fitter associate than the nameless cabinet, in the sense in which that word has been usually one offered to him by my friend from Tennessee. But, taken. If my information be correct, the words of the sir, neither the example of Cato nor of the Senator tempt constitution, and what I have always believed to be its me. I am contented with the victrix causa; contending true intent on this subject, have been pursued, rather for what I think right, I like to see it succeed. On this than the example of former Presidents. The constitution, occasion, I have, as yet, had no cause to repent my choice; in enumerating the rights and duties of the President, nor bave the charges, urged with so much warmth against says, “ he may require the opinion, in writing, of the the measures of the President, changed the opinion I had principal officers in each of the Executive Departments, formed of his talents to conduct the affairs of the nation upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective with honor, advantage, and success. I listened to them offices.” Instead of this, from the first organization of attentively, resolved to weigh calmly, and determine im- the Government, the Heads of Departments have been partially, on all that could be urged. Sir, I expected a convened, and converted into a cabinet council, not where, like disposition in those who have expressed their disap-baccording to the constitution, each was to give his opinion

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