the sense of self-respect had not been fully restored by the American war. And although no one yet dreamed of what seven swift years were to bring forth, all minds were agitated by a mysterious consciousness of the approaching tempest.

In 1782, the overtures of England began to assume a more definite form. Franklin saw that the time for decisive action was at hand, and prepared himself for it with his wonted calm and deliberate appreciation of circumstances. That France was sincere he could not doubt, after all the proofs she had given of her sincerity; nor could he doubt that she would concur heartily in preparing the way for a lasting peace. He had the instructions of Congress to guide him in what America would claim; and his own mind was quickly made up as to what England must yield. Four points were indispensable, a full recognition of independence; an immediate withdrawal of her troops; a just settlement of boundaries, those of Canada being confined, at least, to the limits of the act of 1774; and the freedom of the fisheries. Without these there could be no treaty. But to make the work of peace sure, he suggested, as equally useful to both parties, four other concessions, the most important of which were the giving up of Canada, and securing equal privileges in English and Irish ports to the ships of both nations. The four necessary articles became the real basis of the treaty.

John Adams, John Jay, ard Henry Laurens

were joined with him in the commission. Jay was first on the ground, reaching Paris in June; Adams came in October; Laurens not till November, when the preliminary articles were ready for signature. They all accepted Franklin's four articles as the starting-point. But unfortunately they did not all share Franklin's well-founded confidence in the sincerity of the French government. Jay's mind was embittered by the tergiversations of Spain. Adams had not forgotten his former disagreements with Vergennes, and hated Franklin so bitterly that he could hardly be prevailed upon to treat him with the civility which his age and position demanded, much less with the consideration which the interest of his country demanded. Both Jay and Adams were under the influence of that hostility to France which prevailed as extensively in the Colonies as in the mother country, a hostility which neither of them was at sufficient pains to conceal, although neither of them perhaps was fully conscious of it. It was this feeling that kept them both aloof from the French Minister, and made them so accessible to English influences. And it was a knowledge of this feeling which three years later suggested to George III. that wellknown insinuation about Adams's dislike to French manners, which would have been a scathing sarcasm if it had not been an inexcusable imperti

nence.

The English agents availed themselves skilfully

1

of those sentiments; sowing suspicions, fostering doubts, and not shrinking, there is strong reason to suppose, from gross exaggeration and deliberate falsehood. The discussion of articles, like all such discussions, was protracted by the efforts of each party to make the best terms, and the concealing of real intentions in the hope of extorting greater concessions. But England was really prepared to yield all that America was really prepared to claim. France, in spite of the suspicions of Adams and Jay, was really sincere; and on the 30th of November, 1782, the preliminary articles were signed.

Franklin's position was difficult and delicate. He knew the importance of peace. He knew that the instructions of Congress required perfect openness towards the French Minister. He believed that the Minister deserved, both by his past kindness and present good intentions, to be treated with perfect openness. But both his colleagues were against him. What should he do? Refer the dif ference to Congress, and meanwhile hold the country in painful and expensive suspense? What could he do but submit, as he had done through life, to the circumstances which he could not control, and give the appearance of unanimity to an act which the good of his country required to be unanimous ?

He signed the preliminaries, and submitted to the reproach of personal and public ingratitude as he had submitted to the taunts of Wedderburn.

History has justified his confidence; the most careful research having failed to bring to light any confirmation of the suspicions of his colleagues. And Vergennes, though nettled for the moment, understood Franklin's position too well to lay the act at his door as an expression of a real opinion. Much time and long discussions were still required to convert the preliminaries into a final treaty; for the complicated interests of England, France, and Spain were to be taken into the account. But each party longed for peace; each party needed it; and on the 3d of September, 1783, another treaty of Paris gave once more the short-lived though precious boon to Europe and America.

During Franklin's residence at the court of France, and mainly through his influence, that court had advanced to Congress three millions of livres a year as a loan, had increased it to four millions in 1781, had the same year added six millions as a free gift to the three millions with which she began, and become their security for the regular payment of the interest upon a loan of ten millions to be raised in Holland.*

Nor will it be inappropriate to add that before he sailed upon his mission to France, he called in all the money he could command in specie (between three and four thousand pounds in all), and put it into the public treasury as a loan; and that

* In all, eighteen millions as a loan, and nine millions as a free gift.

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while the young men, Adams and Jay, were provided with competent secretaries of legation, he, though bowed down by age and disease, and with ten times their work to do, was left to his own resources, and, but for the assistance of his grandson, would have been compelled to do it all with his own hand.

It has been said that a soldier accustomed to conquer with Claverhouse, when, under a new leader, he saw victory wavering at the decisive moment, exclaimed in his indignation, "O for one hour of Dundee !" Might not we, as we look at the clouds which lower so ominously on our eastern horizon, exclaim with equal reason, O for one hour of Franklin?