the new system, his successor weeps over the misfortunes of the exiles, and in the most soothing language that could be framed, engages to comply fully with the application. This incident at once mortifies our pride and summons our vigilance. We have nothing further from Carleton on the main point." 27 The communication, expected in my last from the Minister of France, has been received, and afforded a very seasonable occasion, which was improved, of renewing the assurances suited to the present crisis. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, June 6, 1782. DEAR SIR, Mr. Webb being detained till this morning, I enclose the gazette of it. You will find a singular extract from Lord North's budget. The speech was delivered on the eleventh of March. It must have been Mr. Ross's contract, therefore, and not Mr. Morris's, which supplied this article. I am just told that the Senate have put their veto on the resolutions of the House of Delegates against the latter. If an existing law, however, prohibits the exportation, and one branch of the Legislature protests against the authority of Congress to dispense with it, the Executive will scarcely suffer the tobacco to be exported. If this matter should terminate in an agreement by Maryland to supply the tobacco, and Virginia should be drained of her money to purchase the staple of the former, whilst her own staple is left on her hands, The proviso * in the resolutions in favor of the contract of the State agents, furnishes, I find, a copious topic for anti-Virginian critics. It is inconsistent with the laws of the State-with the ordinances of Congress—with the treaty with France—with gratitude to our allies-for tobacco to be shipped to New York, by Mr. Morris, for the advantage of the United States; but if the identical tobacco be shipped by Mr. Ross, for the advantage of Virginia, the inconsistency is done away in the eyes of the House of Delegates of Virginia. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, June 11, 1782. I have your favor of the first instant. I hope you have received mine, although you do not acknowledge them. My punctuality has not been intermitted more than once or twice since your departure, and in no instance for a considerable time past. I have written so fully concerning the flags that I have nothing to add on that subject, but that I wish the Senate may, by their perseverance on this occasion, exemplify the utility of a check to the precipitate acts of a single legislature. Having raised my curiosity by your hints as to certain manœuvres, you will not forget your responsibility to gratify it. The pleasure I feel at your being included in the commission for vindicating the claims of Virginia, is considerably impaired by my fears that it may retard your return hither. Great as my partiality is to Mr. Jefferson, the mode in which he seems determined to revenge the wrong received from his country does not appear to me to be dictated either by philosophy or patriotism. It argues, indeed, a keen sensibility and strong consciousness of rectitude. But this sensibility ought to be as great towards the relentings as the misdoings of the Legislature, not to mention the injustice of visiting the faults of this body on their innocent constituents. Sir Guy Carleton still remains silent. The resolutions which the Legislatures of the States are passing, may, perhaps, induce him to spare British pride the mortification of supplicating in vain the forgiveness of rebels. Mr. Izard, warm and notorious as his predilection for the Lees is, acknowledges and laments the opposition made by them to measures adapted to the public weal. The letter in the first page of the Gazette of this morning was written by Mr. Marbois. In an evening of promiscuous conversation I suggested to him my opinion, that the insidiousness of the British Court, and the good faith of our ally, displayed in the late abortive attempt of the former to seduce the latter, might with advantage be made known, in some form or other, to the public at large. He said he would think of the matter, and next day sent me the letter in question, with a request that I would revise and translate it for the press, the latter of which was done. I mention this that you may duly appreciate the facts and sentiments contained in this publication. 28 SIR, OFFICE OF FINANCE, Philadelphia, June 11, 1782. As I have ever considered it to be a most essential point to have men of approved abilities and character employed in the public offices, you will readily conceive my gratification on the receipt of your letter of the thirty-first ultimo, wherein you tell me, not only of Mr. Webb's acceptance of the appointment of Receiver of the Taxes, but also of his integrity and sufficiency. I expect that such appointments will be agreeable to the States wherein they are made, and very acceptable to Congress. Mr. Webb has written on the same point which you mention, to which I reply by this post; and as the publications have commenced in other States on the first of June, it may be expected that they should have been general; I hope it will not be delayed longer than the first of July, and then the receipt for April, May and June, must be particularized in the manner it has been done here, where you will find them delinquents for the two past months; they do not like this appearance, and are now stimulating the tax-gatherers. New Jersey and Rhode Island are the only States that have made payments. Surely a different spirit will be roused. For Heaven's sake let us owe our freedom to ourselves! We have the means, if we dare to use them. I am, with great esteem and respect, Dear Sir, your obliged and obedient The Hon'ble EDMUND RANDOLPH, Esq. ROB. MORRIS. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, June 18, 1782. DEAR SIR, I received no letter from you yesterday, nor shall I receive any for that week, unless it be through the channel of Rivington's Gazette, the post having been robbed of his mail on Saturday evening last in Maryland. I hope your letter did not contain any thing not in cypher which is unfit for the public eye. The policy, however, which seems to direct Carleton's measures, renders it probable that he will decline the mean expedient pursued on such occasions by his predecessors for giving pain to individuals. It will be proper for us to take from this accident an admonition to extend the use of our cypher. The trade with New York begins to excite general indignation, and threatens a loss of all our hard money. The continued drains which it makes from the bank must at least contract its utility, if it produces no greater mischief to it. The Legislature of New Jersey are devising a remedy for this disgraceful and destructive traffic, and a Committee of Congress are also employed in the same work. I have little expectation that any adequate cure can be applied, whilst our foreign trade is annihilated, and the enemy in New York make it an object to keep open this illicit channel.29 |