by those who desire to be well informed upon the subject. These resolutions, like almost every other declaration of principles, are capable of different constructions, and have consequently been supported or denounced as they may have been held to contain proper or improper views of the nature of our government.

These resolutions were endorsed by the Democratic National Convention of 1856 in the following language:

"That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import." It is, therefore, very essential to obtain a correct idea of such "obvious meaning and import," especially as very objectionable and obnoxious principles have been attributed to them. following extract is given as an instance:

The

"Now history proves that the doctrine of secession, or the bypothesis of original and imminent State Rights, of which secession is a corollary, has been continuously held and preached as a tenet of the Democratic party faith from 1787 to the present time. In 1798 it was formally promulgated as the party creed in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, written respectively by Jefferson and Madison, and

from that time to this it has been continuously held and taught." (Chicago Times, May 9, 1881.) That this violent assertion is entirely unsustained by the facts, it is believed the following statement will prove. It will be necessary, for a full understanding of the matter, to give an account of the circumstances in which these celebrated resolutions had their origin.

France had lately changed its form of government to a republic and was at war with England. The two parties-Federal and Democratic-naturally espoused the causes of England and France respectively. The French minister at Washington, M. Genet, endeavored to engage this country in a war with England, and being foiled in the attempt undertook to disregard the neutrality of our government, and to fit out privateers, etc., for which his recall was demanded and obtained. The natural sympathy felt by the people for France for her assistance in the Revolutionary War, and in her efforts to establish for herself a Republican government, created a strong party feeling, and the papers were filled with violent language on both sides. At this time the Alien and Sedition acts were passed, the first of which authorized the President to order aliens out of the country. The following is an extract:

"That it shall be lawful for the President to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United

States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations, to depart."

The Sedition Law was aimed at the freedom of the press, as follows:

Art. 2. "And be it further enacted, that if any one shall write, print, utter or publish any false, scandalous and malicious writing against the government of the United States, with an intent to defame the said government, or either House of Congress, or the President, or to bring either of them into contempt or disrepute, or to excite against them the hatred of the good people of these United States, then such persons being convicted before any court of the United States, having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years."

By the terms of this act it was dangerous to print any adverse opinion or criticism of the government, then invested in John Adams's administration and the Federal party, and it was moreover considered by the Democrats as especially aimed at them. Against these acts, then, the legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky passed the famous resolutions, the material portions of which, bearing upon State Rights, arc here given:

The Virginia resolutions of 1798 expressed "a firm resolution to maintain and defend the

Constitution of the United States and the constitution of this State."

23. "Declares a warm attachment to the Union of the States," etc.

31. "That it views the powers of the Fedcral government, resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as no further valid than as they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact, and that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the said compact, the States which are parties thereto have the right and are in duty bound to interpose for the purpose of arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them."

4th. "Protests against the Alien and Sedition laws."

5th. 66 Having been instrumental with other States in procuring the amendment to the Constitution of the United States, securing the liberty of the press, it would now be criminal to remain indifferent on that vital subject."

6th. "Feeling the truest anxiety for the perpetuity of the Union, and the most scrupulous filelity to the Constitution, the Assembly asks the other States to join in declaring the acts aforementioned unconstitutional."

7th. "The Governor is required to transmit copies to the other States."

These resolutions, drafted by Madison, have been much debated as to their meaning and intent. In the third, the lines italicized contain the dubious point-the right of the States " "to interpose." This right is plainly claimed for the States, but not for a single State. Another section "regrets that a spirit has been manifested to enlarge the powers of the general government so as to consolidate the States by degrees into one sovereignty, and the Republican system into an absolute or, at least, a mixed monarchy."

In the debates which occurred on the passage of these resolutions, the manner in which the "interposition" was expected to be made, was clearly indicated. Nowhere in the resolutions, or in the debates upon them, is the idea advanced or countenanced that a State or a minority of States may repudiate their federal obligations or secede from the Union, as will fully appear from the following extracts:

Mr. G. K. Taylor was opposed to their passage. He thought the "consequences of pursuing the advice of the resolutions would be insurrection, anarchy and confusion."

General Lee suspected that they "covered the promotion of disunion and separation of the States."

In reply, Mr. Mercer said: "An attention to the resolutions would prove that the qualities attempted to be attached to them by the gen