enjoyments differing only in the scale upon which they are formed.

Suppofe then we were to afk, whether the King has been richer than his predeceffors in accumulated wealth, fince the establishment of the plan of Favouritifm? I believe it will be found that the picture of royal indigence which our Court has prefented until this year, has been truly humiliating. Nor has it been relieved from this unfeemly diftrefs, but by means which have hazarded the affection of the people, and fhaken their confidence in Parliament. If the public treasures had been exhausted in magnificence and fplendour, this distress would have been accounted for, and in fome measure justified. Nothing would be more unworthy of this nation, than with a mean and mechanical rule, to mete out the fplendour of the Crown. Indeed I have found very few perfons difpofed to fo ungenerous a procedure. But the generality of people, it must be confeffed, do feel a good deal mortified, when they compare the wants of the Court with its expences. They do not behold the cause of this diftrefs in any part of the apparatus of Royal magnificence. In all this, they see nothing but the operations of parfimony, attended with all the confequences of profufion. Nothing expended, nothing faved. Their wonder is increafed by their knowledge, that besides the revenue fettled on his Majesty's Civil Lift to the amount of 800,000l. a year, he has a farther aid, from a large penfion lift, near 90,000l. a year, in Ireland; from the pro

duce

duce of the Dutchy of Lancaster (which we are told has been greatly improved); from the revenue of the Dutchy of Cornwall; from the American quit-rents; from the four and a half per cent. duty in the Leeward Islands; this last worth to be fure confiderably more than 40,000l. a year. The whole is certainly not much short of a million annually.

These are revenues within the knowledge and cognizance of our national Councils. We have no direct right to examine into the receipts from his Majesty's German Dominions, and the Bishoprick of Ofnabrug. This is unquestionably true. But that which is not within the province of Parliament, is yet within the sphere of every man's own reflexion. If a foreign Prince refided amongst us, the ftate of his revenues could not fail of becoming the subject of our fpeculation. Filled with an anxious concern for whatever regards the welfare of our Sovereign, it is impoffible, in confidering the miferable circumftances into which he has been brought, that this obvious topick should be entirely paffed over. There is an opinion universal, that these revenues produce fomething not inconfiderable, clear of all charges and establishments. This produce the people do not believe to be hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is accounted for in the only manner it can, by fuppofing that it is drawn away, for the fupport of that Court Faction, which, whilft it dif treffes the nation, impoverishes the Prince in every one of his refources. I once more caution

the

the reader, that I do not urge this confideration concerning the foreign revenue, as if I supposed we had a direct right to examine into the expenditure of any part of it; but folely for the purpose of fhewing how little this fyftem of Favouritifm has been advantageous to the Monarch himself; which, without magnificence, has funk him into a state of unnatural poverty; at the fame time that he poffeffed every means of affluence, from ample revenues, both in this country, and in other parts of his domi

nions.

Has this fyftem provided better for the treatment becoming his high and facred character, and fecured the King from those difgufts attached to the neceffity of employing men who are not perfonally agreeable? This is a topick upon which for many reafons I could wish to be filent; but the pretence of fecuring against such causes of uneafinefs, is the corner-stone of the Court Party. It has however so happened, that if I were to fix upon any one point, in which this fyftem has been more particularly and fhamefully blameable, the effects which it has produced would justify me in choofing for that point its tendency to degrade the perfonal dignity of the Sovereign, and to expofe him to a thousand contradictions and mortifications. It is but too evident in what manner thefe pro jectors of Royal greatness have fulfilled all their magnificent promises. Without recapitulating all the circumstances of the reign, every one of which is more or lefs a melancholy proof of the

truth

truth of what I have advanced, let us confider the language of the Court but a few years ago, concerning most of the perfons now in the external Adminiftration: let me afk, whether any enemy to the perfonal feelings of the Sovereign,, could poffibly contrive a keener inftrument of mortification, and degradation of all dignity, than almost every part and member of the prefent arrangement? nor, in the whole courfe of our history, has any compliance with the will of the people ever been known to extort from any Prince a greater contradiction to all his own declared affections and dislikes than that which is now adopted, in direct oppofition to every thing the people approve and defire.

For

An opinion prevails, that greatnefs has been more than once advised to fubmit to certain condefcenfions towards individuals, which have been denied to the entreaties of a nation. the meanest and most dependent inftrument of this fyftem knows, that there are hours when its existence may depend upon his adherence to it; and he takes his advantage accordingly.. Indeed it is a law of nature, that whoever is neceffary to what we have made our object, is fure in fome way, or in fome time or other, to become our master. All this however is fubmitted to, in order to avoid that monstrous evil of governing in concurrence with the opinion of the people. For it feems to be laid down: as a maxim, that a King has fome fort of interest in giving uneafiness to his subjects: that all who are pleafing to them, are to be of course disagreeable

disagreeable to him: that as foon as the perfons who are odious at Court are known to be odious to the people, it is fnatched at as a lucky occafion of showering down upon them all kinds of emoluments and honours. None are confidered as well-wishers to the Crown, but those who advise to some unpopular course of action; none capable of ferving it, but those who are obliged to call at every inftant upon all its power for the fafety of their lives. None are supposed to be fit priefts in the temple of Government, but the perfons who are compelled to fly into it for fanctuary. Such is the effect of this refined project; fuch is ever the result of all the contrivances which are used to free men from the fervitude of their reason, and from the neceffity of ordering their affairs according to their evident interefts. These contrivances oblige them to run into a real and ruinous fervitude, in order to avoid a supposed restraint that might be attended with advantage.

If therefore this fyftem has fo ill answered its own grand pretence of faving the King from the neceffity of employing perfons disagreeable to him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his Majefty's private hours? No, moft certainly. The father of his people cannot poffibly enjoy repose, while his family is in such a state of distraction. Then what has the Crown or the King profited by all this fine-wrought fcheme? Is he more rich, or more fplendid, or more powerful, or more at his eafe, by fo many labours and contrivances? Have they not beg

gared