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magnitude in their consequences as this. Upon none has public opinion united so generally as this. It is true we have a lamentable divison of political opinion among us, which has produced much mischief, and may produce much greater than any we have yet felt. On this question, party spirit ought to sink and disappear. My opinions are well known, and are not likely to change; but I candidly, and with all possible sincerty, declare my conviction to be clear, that there will not be a dissenting voice in the western country if this course be taken: that so far as my own abilities go, they shall be exerted to the utmost to support it; and I know that my friends on this floor with whom I have long thought and acted, have too high a regard for the national honor, and the best interests of their country, to hesitate a moment giving the same pledge of their honest determination to support and render these measures effectual, if taken; call them ours; if you please, we take the responsibility, and leave the execution of them with you. For as to myself or my friends, no agency is wished, except that of uniting with you in rousing the spirit, and calling out the resources of the country, to protect itself against serious aggression, and the total subjection and loss of the western country.

If you pursue this advice, and act promptly and boldly upon it; if you take possession, and prepare to maintain it: from the very unanimity displayed, you will have no war.... you will meet with no resistance. Indeed, a war may be said to be already begun, for hostility of the worst kind, on one side has been long in practice upon us, and our retaliation or resistance will be justified on every principle which has governed the conduct of nations. If the Spaniards resist you in taking possession of what by treaty they have acknowleged to be yours, and what they now confess does not belong to them....the war certainly begins with them. Under all these circumstances, with these offers of support, could gentlemen doubt, could they venture to cry peace, peace, when there was no peace, but a sword!

Mr. R. entreated gentlemen to view and consider his proposed resolutions with candor. He declared his intentions to be solely the attainment of an object, the loss of which would destroy the country where he resided, and hazard the union itself. If gentlemen thought the proposed means inadequate, he would agree to enlarge them with cheerfulness; all that he wished was that effectual means be voted and employed in this golden moment, which if lost, never would return.

He said he would delay the senate no longer than to present his resolutions, and give notice that he would move to have them printed, and made the order of the day for some future day.... For, as gentlemen had consented that this business should be no longer a secret, they would now become the subject of ample and able discussion.

Mr. R. then read his resolutions, which appear under the head of Wednesday, the 23d.

After reading the resolutions, Mr. Ross said, I will now move these resolutions, and if gentlemen on the other side shall be disposed to give to the President greater power, I will cheerfully join them in extending it as far as they may think necessary to the accomplishment of the object.

Mr. WELLS rose and seconded the motion.

Mr. Ross moved that the consideration of the resolutions be the order for Monday.

Mr. NICHOLAS rose and said he wished to make one or two observations in reply to

The VICE PRESIDENT interrupted him, and said that if those observations were intended to apply to the question whether the resolutions should be the order for Monday, they would be proper, otherwise they would not be in order.

MR. NICHOLAS said he did not wish to go into any discussion of the merits of the resolutions. He merely wished to remark, that the course pursued by the gentleman upon this occasion was altogether new and extraordinary. I presume, said he, that the gentleman expects to derive some advantage from the adoption of this course. If so, he is quite welcome to any advantage which he can gain. I believe that the American people are too enlightened and too well informed to be deceived by any thing that has been said, or by the novel course which has been pursued. It is usual when any business of such importance is about to be introduced, to give some previous notice, in order that gentlemen may be prepared to discuss the subject. Why the gentleman has thought proper to depart from it in the present instance I cannot pretend to say. However, all that I think important to say at present is in reply to the assertion, that we are not informed of the intention of

The VICE PRESIDENT again interrupted him, and said that the question before the Senate was, whether the resolution should be the order for Monday. Upon that question, no remarks in reply to the gentleman from Pennsylvania could be admitted. If gentlemen were disposed to discuss

the resolution, or to reply to any arguments which had been advanced by the mover, the regular method would be to negative the motion, and then the whole subject would again be open.

Mr. Ross said he did not wish to preclude any observations which any gentleman might be disposed to make, and if the gentleman from Virginia wished to reply to any thing which he had said, he would withdraw the motion, and give him an opportunity.

Mr. NICHOLAS said he had no wish upon the subject, and would say nothing more.

Mr. WRIGHT said he hoped it would not be the order for Monday, and as the gentleman had been indulged with an opportunity of advancing his sentiments at large upon the subject, he presumed it would be in order for him to notice some of the most extraordinary of

The VICE PRESIDENT said it would not be in order, unless the present motion was first negatived.

The question was then taken, and carried in the affirmative; and the Senate adjourned.

Monday, February 21.

The order of the day on Mr. Ross's resolutions wasthis day postponed on motion, to Wednesday, in consequence of the indisposition of general S. T. Mason, of Virginia.*

Wednesday, February 23.

The order of the day being the resolutions of Mr. Ross, laid on the table on the 16th inst. the order was called for.

The VICE PRESIDENT rose, and stated that he conceived it to be his duty to point out to the Senate a contradiction which appeared in their rules. The standing rules of the house declare that during debate...." the doors shall "be open"....by the 28th rule of the house, it is delared, that "on motion made and seconded, the gallery shall be cleared, "and the doors remain shut during the discussion." tween these two rules there was an embarrassing contradiction. He did not see the propriety of leaving it in the power of any two members to shut the doors, but as it lay in the discretion of the house to regulate its own proceedings, he

*The foregoing part of the report is from the Washington Federalist, Mr. Ross's speech is furnished by himself, no report has been given of the replies.

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would submit it to the house in the form of a specific proposition; and he hoped the house would decide upon it without debate. The following is the proposition:

"If during the debate, or any other time, a motion be "made and seconded to shut the doors, should the galleries "forthwith be cleared, and the doors shut without debate 46 or question ?"

Mr. COCKE said, if he understood the President right, he expected the Senate to decide upon this proposition without debate.

The VICE PRESIDENT replied in the affirmatie.

Mr. COCKE said that he would not submit to give his vote, without the expression of his opinion, if he thought it proper, as well as the Vice President.

Mr. NICHOLAS. The officer, whoever he may be, that is appointed to expound the laws of that house, ought not, he has no right to go into a discussion of the propriety or impropriety of any rules laid down in the Senate....it was not orderly to do so. There can be no question on a rule at this time or in this form, and it amounts to a questioning of a right established, whether any member has, or has not a right to do as is enjoined by the rules. It cannot be denied that any member, on motion made and seconded, may have the galleries cleared and the doors shut, if he thinks the occasion calls for it.

Mr. DAYTON. Does the gentleman from Virginia mean to say that, that or any other rule can give a member the right of seating me in the midst of a discussion? If I act disorderly, the President has a right to call me to order, and he must decide whether I am in order or not. There is nothing in your rules which gives a member a right to seize upon the floor.

Mr. TRACY was of opinion, that the 28th rule carried the meaning which it expressed; it was clear, that if he had a question to propose which required closed doors, he had a a right to call for the doors being shut; but certainly the rule never contemplated that in so doing the floor should be seized upon in the midst of a speech or a debate. By the 16th rule, when a member is called to order, he is obliged to sit down. According to parliamentary proceeding, no one can take possession of the floor to the interruption of another, no one can stop another while he is speaking. If disorderly, the President will call him to order, but if called by a member, the President must decide, and if in order, he must

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possess the floor. If any other course were pursued, the house would be constantly exposed to interruption by the petulance of any two of its members.

Mr. BALDWIN. Gentlemen appear to mistake the principle of the rules in question, and the course of proceed ing generally appears not to be kept perfectly in sight. Certainly the house is subject to interruption by other causes than points of order; an incident occurs almost every day, in which members are obliged to be seated in the midst of debate, such as messages from the executive, or from the other house. He had always entertained a very different opinion from that expressed by some gentlemen of the 28th rule. It was true it had the aspect of placing the house at the power of an individual. But if gentlemen would recur to the mode of proceeding which existed before, they would find that this was not an improper rule. For some time the proceedings of the Senate were altogether with closed doors, but this was not approved by the public, it was not wholesome, and after mature deliberation, it was determined that the doors should be opened sub modo, but that when there should appear to be reasonable occasion for shutting the doors, that it should be effected in the mode pointed out by the 28th rule. For it was considered that the mover and seconder of the motion, being of that body, would be sufficient pledges for a reasonable motive, and the Senate would afterwards have it in their power to determine upon the propriety of the motion itself, or to remove any injunction of secrecy, if they should think proper so to do.

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Mr. TRACY said, that the case of a message was not analagous, as the member could rise after it, and continue his speech.

Mr. COCKE said, that the rule was ceriainly the most correct mode of proceeding; for example, if a member attempts to speak with open doors on confidential business, and a member calls him to order, the very calling to order discloses what the confidential business is.... Besides, in the other house there is an appeal from the decision of the chair, here it is arbitrary, and the President may decide as he pleases.

The VICE PRESIDENT had wished for a decision on this subject on various occasions, and looked to the house for it at this time.

Mr. Ross, in order to close the discussion, would move a rule for the present occasion....and it will put an end to this

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