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has since produced not union, but submission. It is not in nature that the Spanish king should foster kindly sentiments for him who has decked himself in the spoil of his house.... The proud, the brave, and the loyal Castilian groans under the yoke which galls him, but which he cannot break, and sickens at the recollection of his ancient glory. His deep resentments are known, and it is to.prevent their effects that he has been compelled to make the cession of those provinces.... France will then hold at her discretion the Spanish treasures, and the rich provinces of the New World. At the first symtom of hostile sentiment, she arrests the means of aggression. Thus the dependance of Spain is rendered absolute, aud her chains are riveted forever. Does Spain behoid this state of things with calm indifference? No; she feels all the pangs of wounded pride, driven to the necessity of perpetuating its own humiliation.
A few words after what has already been said will sufice to shew the importance of those provinces to France. This results from the influence on her rival, on Spain, and on the United States ; by means of the position, the resources and the means of aggression which those provinces afford, Enough has been said of the position. The resources are great and encreasing. Not only cotton and indigo will be furnished for her manufactures, but supplies and subsistence for her colonies and her troops. These resources too will be at the very point most important both for defence and aggression.... The same force will be ready to operate either against England, Spain, or America. Thus that force will be tripled in its moral effect, and influence alike the conduct of all against whom it may be directed. To what has been said on the facility with which we may be assailed, I might add much, but it is unnecessary. It behoves us, however, to consider well the spirit of the French government, which in all its changes, has never lost sight of this object. The French minister Mons. De la Luzerne, when Congress were deliberating on the ultimata for peace, obtained a resolution that our ministers should, as to our western boundary, treat under the dictation of France. Our ministers disdained the condition, and refused to obey. Their manly conduct obtained for you the countries whose fate is now suspended on your deliberations, Never, no never, has France lost sight of Louisiana. Never for a moment has she been blind to its importance.... Those who, driven from her bosom into exile, wandered about among us, have gathered and communicated the fullest information. While they enjoyed your hospitality, they probed your weakness, and meditated the means of controlling your . conduct. Whatever may be the fair appearances, rely on it that every Frenchman bears with him every where a French heart, and so he ought. I honor him for it. O! that Ame-. ricans had always an American heart! mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value ? Is he a child whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your wishes ? Will you, like a nurse, sing to him a lullaby? If you have no hope from fondling attentions and soothing sounds, what have you to offer in exchange ? Have you any thing to give which he will take? He wants power. You have no power. He wants dominion. You have no dominion. At least none that you can grant. He wants influence in Europe, And have you any influence in Europe? What, in the name of heaven, are the means by which you would render this negociation successful? Is it by some secret spell? Have you any magic power? Will you draw a circle and conjure up devils to assist you ? Or do you rely on the charms of those beautiful girls with whom the gentleman near me says, the French grenadiers are to incorporate ? If so, why don't you send an embassy of women? Gentlemen talk of the principles of our government, as if they could obtain for us the desired boon, But what will these principles avail? When you enquire as to the force of France, Austria, or Russia, do you ask whether they have a habeas corpus act, or a trial by jury? Do you estimate their power, discuss their interior police? No. The question is, how many battalions have they? What train of artillery can they bring into the field? How many ships can they send to sea ? These are the important circumstances which command respect and facilitate negociation. Can you display these powerful motives ? Alas! Alas! To all these questions you answer by one poor word.... confidence....confidence....confidence.... Yea, verily, we have confidence....We have faith and hope, aye: and we have charity too. Well.... Go to market with these christian virtues, and what will you get for them? Just nothing. Yet in the face of reason and experience, you have confidence; but in whom? Why, in our worthy President. But he cannot make the treaty alone, There must be two parties to a bargain. I ask if you have confidence also in the First Consul? But whither, in the name of heaven, does this confidence lead, and to what does it tend? The time is precious. We waste, and we have already wasted moments which will never return. You have already tried negociation. I say you have tried it, because I know you have a minister in France, and I am sure the first magistrate of our country cannot have been so negligent as not to pay attention to a subject which is confessedly of such magni. tude. You have then negociated. And with what success? Why, instead of defeating the cession you have closed the
It remains to notice the advantage of this country to the United States, as it may relate to our power, our peace, our commerce, and above all, to our freedom. As to our power something has already been said on the peaceful influence which results from the dependance of colonies belonging to the great nations of Europe... add to this, that the product of those colonies must pass by our doors and be exposed to our cruisers. A further advantage is to be found in the ready means of invasion (in concert with the troops of others) if driven to the necessity of war. The possession of power will give us not only security, but peace. Peace indeed can never be safe but by the aid of power. Our disposition is pacific.
It is our interest to be at peace, and the form of our government, while it secures to us the enjoyment of as much liberty as is possible, renders it particularly imprudent to risque in war, any change of the constitution. Grant us these provinces, and we can dictate the conditions of our commerce with the islands. Possessed of them, it will be doubly lucrative, and without them, wholly uncertain. There is another stream of profitable trade which will then flow in our channels. The risque and difficulty which Spain experiences in bringing home her treasures when she is at war, will naturally suggest the advantage of remitting them through this country. The produce of the Mexican mines may then be shipped directly to Asia. It will be paid for to Spain by bills on the commercial nations, and thus furnish to her the easy means of obtaining the supplies she may stand in need of. The bullion will be so much the more valuable, as the danger and expence of transportation are diminished. This, therefore, would have a beneficial result upon the whole commercial world. It would more especially emancipate Spain from her present thraldom. It would give a happy change to all her interior administration, and increase both her absolute and relative force. Let me say here, that it is our interest to preserve the authority of Spain over her American territory. We have enough of our own, We can have no wish to extend our dominion. We want men, not land. We are therefore the natural, and the safe guardians of Spain. On us she may rely with perfect