Europe would actually do what Paul proposed to do in the following proclamation which he put forth in the St. Petersburg Journal:

"The Emperor of Russia, finding the Powers of Europe cannot agree among themselves, and being desirous to put an end to a war which has desolated it for eleven years, intends to point out a spot, to which he will invite all the other sovereigns to repair, to FIGHT IN SINGLE COMBAT, bringing with them, as seconds and esquires, their most enlightened ministers and able generals, such as Thurgot, Pitt, Bernstoff, etc., and the Emperor himself purposes being attended by Generals Count Pahlen and Kutusoff."

the

all concurred in the request, and about ar hour before midnight he returned home, and finding his violin on his bed, he took it up, and full of the idea of that which he was requested to do, he began playing upon the upper strings for a fugue for the air. Believing himself to have found it, he immediately composed the words, trusting entirely to memory, and not committing anything to paper, he went to bed. The next morning, rising at six, he fortunately recollected both music and words. He took it himself to M. Dietrich, to whom he submitted it, and who was not a little astonished at his very prompt inspiration. He was in his garden, and after a cursory perusal of the song, he said, ‘Let us go into the drawing-room, that I may try your air on the piano.' He was struck with its beauty, aroused his wife, who was still in bed, and directed that each of the guests of the night before should be bidden to breakfast, as he had something of importance to communicate to them. All came, believing that he had already received news of blows struck in the war, from Generals Luckner and Lafayette. He would not satisfy their curiosity on the point until they had breakfasted. Then he sang the hymn heartily, and it produced immediate admiration."

AMERICANISMS AND ANGLICISMS.-In the California Golden Era, Mr. Evacustes A. Phipson makes sundry sensible suggestions, among which are these:

"THE MARSEILLAISE. "- Perhaps most famous national war-song ever composed is Rouget de l'Isle's "Hymn of the Army of the Rhine," generally known as "The Marseillaise." Mr. R. Heath, in Leisure Hour, gives an account of the occasion of its composition. On the 20th of April, 1792, the National Assembly of France voted for war with the Emperor of Austria, in response to the humiliating "ultimatum " announced by the Emperor. Strassburg was the place most immediately threatened by the Austrian invasion. On the day after the vote in the National Assembly, M. Dietrich, the Mayor of Strassburg entertained some French officers at his house. Among these was Rouget de l'Isle, a young man of three-and-twenty, who had acquired some repute as a poet and musician. Some one expressed a wish that a poet might be inspired to compose a national song which should express the national feeling throughout France, and de l'Isle was urged to attempt this. In June the song was sung to the six hundred volunteers, who were setting out from Marseilles and it was soon sung all over France. A single incident will evince the effect of this song: A French gen-coaches,' as the Anglomaniacs do, is a eral, on the eve of a battle, made the following requisition, "Send me a thousand men, and a copy of the Marseillaise." There have been several accounts of the circumstances under which the " Hymn of the Army of the Rhine" was composed. The following_account is given by M. Delabarre, a friend of de l'Isle, who says that he derived the facts from the poet himself:

"M. Dietrich appealed to him to compose both words and music of the song required;

"To write 'mama' with three m's because that is the way a certain Latin word is written, is a vulgar pedantry, as if the childish word were any more than mere prattle. 'Wrath' is rightly spoken to rhyme with 'path,' and 'shop,' a place where work is done, should not be used for a mere 'store' where things are sold. 'Car' is an excellent word to use for railway or tramway vehicles, and to call them

great mistake, for even in England the word is seldom so used, but confined to its proper meaning, as 'stage-coach.' On the other hand, for Americans to call this latter a stage' is wrong, and also 'biscuit' for 'hot roll,' while the real biscuits are designated by the slang term, 'crackers.' 'Shunt' is a better word than 'switch,' the latter signifying the mere act of moving the 'switch or bar; and 'lift' than 'elevator," since it is used to lift both up and

one of whom replied to the censors in this
fashion, which seems to us an exceedingly
clever bit of logical argumentation
"The presence of homoeopathists on the
staff is either prejudicial to the interests of
the patients or it is not. If the former, then
the action of medical men-not avowed ho-
mœopathists-in joining the staff deserves
your approbation, since by diluting homœo-

ministered in the case of a patient who manifests these same morbid symptoms." The question as to the amount has properly no bearing upon the contention between Homa o paths and Allopaths. A practitioner of either school might quite consistently administer "infinitesimal" or "heroic" doses of any proper remedy. Indeed, in this respect we believe that the two schools are approxi

ly informed, few sensible Homœopaths rely upon the incalculably minute doses laid down by the early teachers of their school; and few sensible Allopaths administer the enor mous doses which were formerly the general rule. Which theory is the right one-oriadeed whether either is the right or the wrong one in all cases—can be decided only empirically-using the word in its legitimate sensethat is, by actual trial.

pathic influence, and diminishing homœopa-mating towards each other. If we are rightthic practice, they would tend, ex hypothesi, to augment the advantages and lessen the risks of the patients. If, on the other hand, homeopathists do not imperil the welfare of the patients, there is no justification for your condemnation of those who choose to serve in the same charity as they. You may hold that I have not stated the real point at issue, and maintain that it is professional honor which is at stake; in which case it appears to me you would exalt the importance of boycotting certain members of the profession above the needs of those for whose benefit the charity exists. Doctors are made for man, not man for doctors. Supposing every member who is not a homeopathist, avowed or otherwise, had abstained from applying for a vacant post, one of two things must have happened-either the vacancies would have been filled by homeopathists, or not filled at all. I have dealt above with the

question of a homeopathic staff as affecting the patients; and as regards the other alternative, of the posts being left vacant, it comes to this: that the leading journal of a so-called noble profession- -a profession which is supposed to embody some of the grandest instincts of humanity-by implication advocates that patients should be left destitute of advice until certain offending brothers, guilty of the unpardonable sin of differing from the majority respecting therapeutic doctrine, shall be excommunicated. The interests of the poor are to be sacrificed in order that professional prejudice may be satisfied."

"LIKE CURES LIKE."-This is not an accurate rendering of the famous maxim of Hahnemann, which, as commonly quoted, is Similia similibus curantur, the strict rendering of which is: "Likes are cured by likes, but this is not exactly what Hahnemann wrote; his words are: Similia similibus curentur, "Let likes be treated by likes" that is. "If a drug produces certain morbid symptoms when taken by a person in health, that drug is the proper one to be ad

THE LAST WITNESS FOR "THE BOOK OF MORMON."-David Whitmer, the last survivor of the three, who, in 1830 testified to the genuineness of Joseph Smith's "Book of Mormon," died on January 24, at the age of eighty-three, at Richmond, Missouri, where he had resided for about half a century. During all this period he is said to have borne a most unexceptionable character. He left the Mormon Society in 1838, on account, as he said, of their having departed from the true doctrine revealed to Smith, especially by the inculcation of polygamy, which he repudiated. A few hours before his death he called his family and friends around him, and bore his dying testimony to his continued belief in the "Book of Mormon," and also in the Bible. His testimony respecting the “Book of Mormon," prefixed to the original edition, printed in 1830, is signed by himself, Oliver Cowdery, and Martin Smith, who are by the Mormons styled "The Three Witnesses." They aver: "We declare with words of soberness that an angel of God came down from heaven and he brought and laid before our eyes that we beheld and saw the plates and the engravings thereon." Not only, as they affirmed, did they "behold and see" these miraculous plates, but they actually "hefted" them; and thus had the evidence of two senses as to their material existence. It would be interesting to know what became of these plates, since-apart from their sacred value-they must have been worth much as mere bullion, as they formed a pile 8 inches long, 7 inches wide, and 6 inches thick, "of the purest gold."

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

THE year that has lately closed has terminated the first century since the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. In the reckoning of history the period is not a long one. In the accelerated pace of modern times it has been long enough to form that instrument into a complete system of government, and to test pretty thoroughly its efficacy and value. In its origin it was a striking and in many respects an original experiment. In its republican form it was substantially without precedent. It was the product of conflicting opinion, proposed in doubt, ratified with hesitation. The States which adopted it were small and struggling, exhausted and impoverished by a long war, with no central government worth the name, no credit, no finance, no certain outlook for the future. The hundred years of its history have seen the civilization, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, of the continent on the margin of which its administration began; the increase of its subjects from three millions to nearly sixty millions; the rise and maturity under its protection of a great and powerful nation, whose growth has been phenomenal, and whose future lies beyond the field of prediction. As its institutions have gradually taken shape, and as one after another of the dangers that menaced them has been overcome, it is natural that they should have attracted in an increasing degree the attention of mankind, and especially of the English-speaking race. The American nation is the firstborn child of Great Britain, the first and greatest fruit of the characteristic power of the Anglo-Saxons for colonization, and for going by the sea. The connection between the two countries grows constantly larger and more intimate. It is clearer day by day that the future of America for better or worse, is to be the inheritance, not of a nation only, but of the race to which the nation belongs.

But it is probable that very few even among the best instructed Englishmen have a clear or accurate conception of the Government of the United States, as it actually exists. Some features of it are conspicuous, and some qualities obvious. He who runs may read them. The real working of its institutions, the exact relations of its system of dual sovereignty, apparently complicated, in reality simple, are less easily apparent. Nor has a stranger the means of readily acquainting himself with the subject. The text of the Constitution, considering its scope, is singularly brief. Its language is terse and comprehensive. It enunciates general principles in the fewest words, and deals with details as little as possible. Its perusal is easy-even attractive for its simplicity and dignity of expression, but leaves it obvious. to the reader that its practical efficiency must depend altogether upon the construction that is given to its phraseology, and the manner in which its provisions are carried into effect by legislation. An acquaintance with these results, as they have from time to time taken place, must be sought through

many judicial decisions, Congressional debates, and legislative enactments; or at least, by study of the elaborate treatises in which they have been brought together by commentators, and which are written for the lawyer rather than for the general reader. A concise and accurate outline of the Constitution of the United States, and of the system of Federal government of which it is the foundation and the supreme law, may answer many inquiries, and may perhaps be found useful to those interested in political science, as well as to those who care to know more about that country. Government is only one factor in the life of a nation, but it is the most important. An acquaintance with it is a large advance toward a knowledge of its people.

It is necessary to a correct understanding of the Constitution of the United States, that some attention should be given to the national conditions which preceded its origin. At the close of the American Revolution, in 1783, the thirteen British colonies which under a loose and hasty association for that purpose had brought the war to a successful result, had become independent States, and had adopted separate Constitutions of their own. Contiguous to each other, though extended along a very wide reach of coast from New Hampshire to Georgia, and inhabited by the same race, there was but little connection between them, except the bond of a common sympathy in a common cause. The attempt at a Union, formed during the progress of the war, under what were called the Articles of Confederation, was rather an association than a government. Its obligation was well described as "a rope of sand." The central organization had no control over the States which formed it, no power to raise revenue, nor to assert any permanent authority. Trial had shown it to be destitute of the elements of self-preservation or of permanence, and had made it clear on all hands that it must be abandoned. It is unnecessary to recur to it further, since nothing came of it at last but the experience that pointed the way to a better system.

But that a union of some sort must be formed, and a government based upon it, was an obvious necessity. Neither of the States was strong enough to maintain its independence. Conflicting interests were likely to involve them in perpetual controversy among themselves. The vast territory behind them, when it should become occupied, was likely to develop into a multitude of small and independent republics, or perhaps provinces under foreign governments, and unavoidably to give rise to contant disputes between the States in regard to the possession of lands, in which some of them claimed rights indicated by vague and indeterminate boundaries, and others, without special title, would nevertheless have strong claims to share. There was no substantial hesitation therefore, among the people of the States or their leaders, touching the necessity of an alliance, and of a national government; but the gravest difference of opinion naturally arose as to the terms upon which they should be constructed. Jealous of their dearly purchased inde