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much attention to the employment of the poor; has never shown favor or partiality to any one sect; has lived simply, and attended to his duties; has never brought an ejectment, or taken any other law proceedings against a tenant. What, then, was my surprise and horror to find an assassin lying in wait for me for three successive days; and-for this is still more horrifying-that most of the people of the neighborhood where I live have been so far from expressing joy at the escape I have had, that they show evident disappointment at my not being shot!"

"A southern landlord" writes to the Times, complaining of the priestly denunciations from the altar, now apparently becoming systematic in Ireland

"Of the countless instances which have occurred, I shall only remind you of two; your paper would not contain the number of cases I could adduce.

"The one was the case of a very poor man in the county Tipperary, named, I think, Callagan. The priest was the Reverend Mr. T. The following is the evidence of the reverend functionary, as given at the trials.

"Did you denounce the murdered man from the altar?'—' I did.'

When did you denounce him?'-' On Sunday

at mass.'

"When was he murdered?'-'At five o'clock the same evening.'

"The other is the case of the late Major Mahon. He was denounced by the priest on Sunday; and on the following Monday, while returning from his charitable office in Roscommon, he was shot dead in his carriage.

desire to see improvement carried out to see the luckless Celt redeemed from his debasment; but the wanton love of bloodshed, united to the half-voluntary submission to beggary, has materially abated the sympathy that was entertained in this country. The anxiety to see the law enforced in Ireland is growing to a feeling of impatience, which finds no adequate expression in the parliamentary debates; though symptoms of it are to be found even there in the speeches of independent members. In society there is a prevalent desire to witness some decisive course of action; and we have reason to believe that ministers would obtain from English and Scottish members an unusual amount of support in any measure having for its object the direct enforcement of order.-27 Nov.

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THE Journal des Débats announces the death of Madame Aimé Martin, widow of Benardin de St. Pierre, the author of Paul et Virginie, at St. Germaine en Laye, in her sixty-eighth year. SOULEYMAN, Napoleon's interpreter in Egypt, died on Wednesday, in Paris. 'He was," says Galignani's Messenger, "a Persian, but attached himself to the fortunes of France, and rendered invaluable services to her army when it was led to the foot of the Pyramids. He lived upon a pension granted him by the French government. He had a wife and children in Persia; to whom he wished to return, but was refused permission on account of his conduct in Egypt. The Persian ambassador, now in Paris, had promised to use his influence in procuring the assent of his government to the return of Souleyman; but death had put an end to all his hopes.'

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IN Italy, a customs convention between Rome, Tuscany, and Sardinia, is formally announced. "I cannot but think that these reverend minis- The preamble declares that those three states, being ters of the gospel are amenable to the laws; they" animated by the desire to contribute by their union are clearly accessories before the fact, and the crime of murder is the never-failing effect of their unhallowed exhortations.

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to the increase of the dignity and prosperity of Italy, and being persuaded that the true and essential basis of the union of Italy consists in the fusion of the material interests of the population of their respective dominions, have agreed to form an association on the principle of the German Commercial League." This is true practical wisdom. The long-dreamt" nationality of Italy" is now laid upon a solid foundation.-Spectator, 20 Nov.

"I do not know if I am right in this supposition. If I am, the sooner a few stringent examples are made, the sooner a few of these reverend plotters are tried, convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment, or in very gross cases to transportation, the quicker will be the return of this unhappy country to a A NOTICE has been issued from the post-office state bordering on civilization. Until this is done, giving the public the privilege of marking or writand done with energy and promptness, the reigning upon newspapers sent by post, provided a penny of terror will still continue, and the minister of stamp be affixed upon them :God will remain the minister of death."-20 Nov.

news.

"The murders" form the staple of the Irish A Dublin repeal paper admits that the usual question is, "What murders are there today?" Nor do they change in character, except that as an engine of terror their application is extending from landlords to creditors generally the debt incurred by the purchase of a gun is "cancelled," as currency philosophers have it, by the use of the gun itself.

The most marked process of change, however, is that which has been taking place in the opinion of England on Ireland. There is still the same

In cases where newspapers are at present subject to the penny postage, (as when they are both posted and delivered in the same town,) the writing or marks will involve no additional charge. This privthe newspaper itself, and is not to extend to the ilege, however, is to be confined to inscriptions on cover; which, as heretofore, must contain nothing but the address. If additional writing be placed upon the cover, or if a marked newspaper be sent without the penny stamp, it will then be liable to the same postage as that which would be charged for an unpaid letter of like weight. The new regulation does not apply to newspapers to or from the colonies or foreign countries; these, when written upon, or when containing enclosures, will still be liable to the treble rate of postage at present charged upon them.-Spect.

ryski, head of the monarchical and aristocratic diFOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE OF THE LIVING AGE. vision, delivered a discourse to the Polish Literary [There have been some vexatious delays of our letters Society suitable to their doctrines and views: the to and from Paris. In a little while we hope to be reg-democratic meetings were marked by much stronger ular. Our correspondent sends us now a few hasty mem- denunciations of the proceedings and designs of the orandums, and some translations.] northern monarchs, and by enthusiastic expressions of confidence in the revival of Polish nationality. The Poles resemble the Jews in the vitality of their hopes. Both put up fervent prayers, in their several places of worship, for pope Pius IX. His liberalism is invoked for, or supposed to embrace, all the human family. Such is the charity of the Gospel.

PARIS, 1 December, 1847. IN Paris the weather of the whole month of October resembled the best American Indian summer. September was exceedingly raw and gloomy. Last month-November-the sun was scarcely seen; the temperature, indeed, was mild; and hence strawberries and grapes continued fresh and abundant. In the quantity and quality of vegetables and fruits -the grape included-this year has never been exceeded in France. This week the assize of bread is raised. There will be a deficiency of bread-stuffs until the summer, although the last harvest was plentiful in itself. A scarcity such as has been experienced is not supplied by the productiveness of a single season. Hitherto Paris has been without frost. The weather is now absolutely vernal. If it prove moderate and bright the last fortnight of December, the display of luxury and ingenuity in the shops of the capital will transcend all that the world has known. Two new and very spacious theatres do not seem to affect the prosperity of the twenty or more old.

Political banquets, of all the opposition parties, multiply in the interior. The orators charge the government with all sorts of intrigue, corruption, and mismanagement. In most instances, the health of the king is studiously excluded from the toasts. But Louis Philippe cares little for these demonstrations; his health is good, his vivacity irrepressible. All the royal family are in capital case. The Duke d'Aumale plays the viceroy at Algiers, with an annual expenditure of two or three hundred thousand dollars.

The diet of Hungary is debating on the liberty of the press, and religious equality for the Protestants, who are numerous in that province. A new bill presented to the Spanish cortes, for the preservation of order, amounts to a suppression of all freedom of political discussion and action. Portugal is in a perpetual cabinet-crisis. The movements in Italy are of most promise and dignity. There may be a glorious revival. National unity and independence for twenty-four millions, gifted and situated as are the Italians-how splendid the objects and results!

French cotton goods have doubled in quantity since 1834, and the prices have fallen one half since that period. The gross present annual product is estimated at six hundred millions of francs; the manufacture employs about six hundred and thirty-four thousand hands; the wages of the operative are on the average four hundred francs per

annum.

The thousands of Poles of Paris have held three several assemblages in commemoration of the insurrection of November 29th, 1830. Prince Czarto

Constitutional reforms are on the tapis in Hol land. Ministerial responsibility, not to the king alone, but to the States-General, and a direct rep resentation of the people on a larger basis, are the principal objects. William lends himself to them, besides manifesting concern for the reëstablishment of credit in his small country, too deeply indebted and too heavily taxed. There is a strong opposition to the present ministers, who are administrative not political characters, and a cry for Van-der Capellens, as the head of affairs proper for the organic changes required for better government in general. That statesman refused office in 1841 because the royal assent was refused to his stipulations in relation to them. An old Dutch party survives with the principle stare super vias antiquas, and they have a new organ in a paper called the Holland. But now-a-days their maxim is vain, whether for monarchs or parties anywhere. The ancient landmarks are examined, and when condemned become untenable. Holland needs neither royalty, aristocracy, nor hierarchy.

In seven cases (except one) of Brazilian vessels sent into the French ports on suspicion of the slave trade by the French squadron of the coast of Africa, the council of state in Paris has decided against the captors. With regard to six of the vessels, nothing was proved to have been found on board that warranted the charge of piracy, which is interpolated into the law of nations by the British and French conventions. The hardship of the detention of the vessels and the loss of their voyages has been aggravated by the imprisonment of their officers and crews, at Brest and Toulon, who are now petitioning for enlargement. Owners and all have been ruined. Several of the Paris editors consider Brazil as fully entitled to retaliate by tariff-war, seeing that she is not strong enough to vindicate her rights otherwise. The articles of the London Times, and the language of Lord Stanley and Mr. Hume in parliament, on the character and effects of the African coast system, are well worth attention.

The Swiss chargé d'affaires, Mr. Tschann, died a few days ago, in Paris, suddenly. It is affirmed by the Journal des Débats that violent chagrin at the situation of his country was the proximate cause. He had been forty years a member of the Swiss legation in Paris, and his national spirit had become only the keener. Sensitiveness in relation

to one's country is often heightened in proportion new histories of the French revolution represent to length of absence. There are, we may believe, their country as having first furnished the world Americans abroad for years, whom a civil war, or with the true human rights, the doctrines and a rupture of the Union, at home, would promptly forms of political liberty which are to prevail everykill. Their pride of country would sink; their where in the end. hearts would break like that of the Swiss patriot. It is therefore that some of them dread intensely the slavery question in Congress, and would prefer any practicable compromise to the Wilmot proviso, which threatens fatal discord. How much-how incalculably greater the stake than that of any Swiss or any European strife! For real philanthropy itself for productive and expansive liberty

-the scale is on the side of the whites; our own race and civilization are the first objects.

The French ministry have just lost two important elections. One of their candidates, General Dumas, is an aid-de-camp of the king.

At a late meeting of the Paris Academy of Sciences, Mr. Pouillet deposited a copy of the fifth edition of his Experimental Physics and Meteorology, a treatise as excellent as it has been successful. The sixth and last volume of the great work entitled Commercial Law in its relations with the Civil Law and with International Law, has just appeared. The author is Mr. G. Massé. The French Society for the Defence of National Industry has just put forth a copious and elaborate and projects of the free traders. They give the manifesto against the evil threatened by theories results of extensive and authentic inquiries into the of French and British manufactures. comparative condition, exigences, and prospects

The Spanish government has issued two royal ordinances changing the duties or customs on cotton and woollen fabrics. The tariff is raised, and inju- between monarchy and republicanism for France, Treating of Lafayette's supposed vacillations riously for the French and British. Our Paris edi- in 1790, Michelet, in his 2d volume, holds this tors complain; they remark that England, having a language:-"Washington's authority was the completely organized system of smuggling on the Spanish coast, will suffer less than France. The measure is deemed an expedient of the new Spanish cabinet to get favor in Catalonia.

Some substitutions on the side of liberalism have occurred in the ministry of Naples. Santangelo, who ruled, retires with the title of marquis and honorary councillor of state; he was hissed by the people when he withdrew from the palace.

A new journal, called the Resurrection, has been established at Turin, with two of the most celebrated writers of Italy as its editors-Counts Balbo and de Carour. A royal decree bearing date 26th November, issued at Turin, and consisting of twenty-seven articles, modifies favorably the laws for the government of the press in the kingdom of Sardinia. The introduction of the Journal des Débats into the kingdom was prohibited; the interdict is now raised. Real liberalism will gain little by this indulgence. The Débats is among its worst enemies, in the guise of a friend.

At a late sitting of the Paris Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, a report was made on the memoirs or tracts presented on the prize-question of 1845, which was this-" What influence have the general progress and desire of physical welfare exercised on the morals or moral condition of the people?" The memoirs were twenty-three in number, and five were pronounced to be worthy of particular attention, being recommended by careful investigation, talent, sound and various disquisition; but no one of these excellent performances exactly answered the views of the committee. One had for epigraph, "The greatest possible happiness of the greatest possible number." Some of them were to be published. It does not appear that the case and example of the United States of America have been considered at all; yet they are the most pertinent, and the strongest The authors of the

great and sovereign one which would have sustained and encouraged Lafayette in his trials. He had it not at all. Washington, as the world knows, was the head of a party which sought to strengthen the unity of government in America. The head of the opposite party, Jefferson, had greatly favored the outbreak of our revolution. Washington, notwithstanding his extreme caution, did not conceal from Lafayette his wish that the movement should be checked. The Americans, though saved by France, feared to be carried by her too far against England, and found it prudent to concenter their gratitude on two individuals, Lafayette and Louis XVI. Few understood our situation; many of them were on the side of the king against France. Moreover, they were cooled towards us by a matter, of which we had not thought, but which injured their trade-a decree or law of the national assembly respecting tobaccos and oils. The Americans, however firm with England in questions of interest, are weak and partial towards her in questions of ideas. British literature is their literature.

The bitter war waged on us by the British press had influence on the Americans, and, through them, on Lafayette. At least they did not maintain him in his original republican aspirations. He postponed his lofty plan; he descended-at least provisionally-to English notions-to a sort of bastard Anglo-American éclectism; he, himself American in theory and opinion, was yet an Englishman in mental culture-a little even in person and aspect. For this English ad interim system-for the system of democratic royalty or royal democracy, which, he acknowledged, was good for some twenty years only, he did a decisive thing, that seemed to arrest the revolution, but precipitated it in fact."

Louis Blane, in the second volume of his History of the French Revolution, treats, in his second chapter, of the American connection in a remarkable way, and with more sense than Michelet.

mind, relieved on this score, could surrender itself to the emotions incident to the tidings from Rhode Island; at Versailles not a few-very many of the noblesse envied Lafayette his wounds. By dint of taking a lively interest in those battles, of which American independence was to be the price, the French people habituated themselves to the concern and love of liberty; and the most perspicacious—those especially who felt the revolution stirring at the bottom of their hearts

The following is a translation of some passages of
his text "While Lord Chatham exhaled in par-
liament his jealousy and despite at the countenance
lent to the revolted colonies by France, Louis XVI.
had already recognized the independence of the
United States; a treaty had united France and
America-nations of which one fought for inde-
pendence and the other was about to fight for
liberty. How was the alliance brought about?
By what infatuation or vertigo did the friends of
an absolute king stimulate him to extend his aid
to insurgents? France had severe mortifications
to avenge; unpardonable humiliations-the treaty
of Fontainbleau, the British abuse of their success
-above all, the presence of an English commis-
sary at Dunkirk; could the occasion be more favor-
able? The Americans, after an intrepid struggle,
seemed to be near a definitive triumph: Burgoyne
and his army had been captured; at Valley Forge
Washington was proving how far the genius of
patience decides human affairs. The sentiment of
nationality in France outwitted, in a manner, the
sharp-sighted minister who swayed our foreign re-
lations. The man who prepared the American
war, who presented to Louis XVI. the three plen-France."
ipotentiaries, Silas Deane, Franklin, and Lee, was
precisely the Count de Vergennes, the same who
had written to Louis-In France the monarch

thanked the minister of the treasury for having found in credit the means of enabling old royalist France to march under the banners of the armed republic. To meet the expense of the American war without taxes-as Necker had said-was not that a miracle! Every one repeated his boast; throughout the realm there was joy and surprise that such a contest and triumph were to cost the nation nothing in immediate contribution. If it could not be denied that the American war would be onerous for future generations, yet they, unquestionably, would reap the benefit. Besides, the sound of revolution from across the Atlantic was like a wafted promise of emancipation to

[TRANSLATED.]

Extract from a speech of M. Guizot, delivered in the Chamber of Deputies, last winter, on the Swiss question:

"Here is simply our policy-our positive and practical policy—with regard to Switzerland. We honor and respect Switzerland, old Switzerland, infinitely, and the ancient and glorious existence that she has acquired in Europe. We believe in this great fact—that, after having obtained during five centuries the approval and esteem of Europe, she merits the solicitude of all nations; as we respect her ourselves we believe that old Switzerland is an European work which Swiss hands especially should not destroy without reason.

speaks and rules; all are subjects and all obey.' So true is it that in this American war, Vergennes was dazzled by the diplomatic phases of the case; the revolutionary escaped his vision. Besides, what will could resist the cry of the whole French nation? Let us arm for the insurgents!' In vain did the old court condemn the voluntary departure of the youthful Marquis Lafayette; all hearts were enrolled the same day as his name; Franklin was the universal admiration. His image, with Turgot's inscription, was constantly sold under the eyes of the king. The impulse was given to every mind. The idea of insurrection became familiar everywhere; the word insurgents was accepted on all hands; and those even who were scandalized "At the same time that this is the fact estab at the aid lent by a monarch to subjects in revolt lished, it is also the right. The basis of the Hel consoled themselves with the idea of England suf-vetic confederation, such as it exists, is the national fering punishment at length for the long-continued law in Switzerland; now, as it was five centuries excesses of her pride. Immediately after his ar- ago, it is a confederation of independent states, rival in America, Lafayette wrote to his friends in which has vested, in common, certain interests and France-In this region, I hear nothing of king certain portions of their existence and power, but or ministers. Two sovereigns only are known and each, having reserved to itself, at the same time, cherished-glory and liberty.' France resembled certain essential rights of sovereignty, and esa slave that, through the bars of his dungeon, de- pecially of internal sovereignty. That is the nascries troops arined against slavery. The shouts tional law or constitution of Switzerland for Europe. which reach his ears from afar, penetrate to his The fact and the law are, in this instance, in perheart; he fancies that he is fighting himself under fect unison. They are, moreover, in unison with those colors, the mere sight of which is for him a the interests of France. I shall not insist upon hope of deliverance. Contemplated from our what the honorable gentleman who spoke last has shores, the American war was one of those phe- retraced ;-it is evident that the actual federal connomena which have their appointed place and epoch stitution, with the independence of the cantons, is in the succession of events. But while it lifted up conformable to European interests, and ours in and vivified the French soul, it contributed to oc- particular; that it produced and suits the situation casion the fatal deficit. Necker's loans were, of neutrality which has been assured to Switzerhowever, at first successful; the gold of Europe land. It is evident that a state otherwise consuflowed into the treasury of France. The public tuted-a consolidated state-would have much

more aggressive power; would be less secure for its neighboring states.

great national concern to maintain the actual polity of Switzerland and the basis of her confederation."

From the Paris Corsaire.

THE TAKING OF LUCERNE.

The capture of this little town, which the Swiss radicals have just entered as conquerors, is the topic of the day in Europe. What is this taking of Lucerne? Is it the expulsion of the Jesuits? No. It is the republic at our doors, and in the centre of old Europe. In fact, the Swiss radicals

have not been at Lucerne to drive out a few black

From the Paris National.

There is then, for us, a We doubt very much if the republic of Mexico will be gainers by rejecting the negotiations offered by the American commissioner. It may seem hard for Mexico to give up New Mexico and the two Californias, but that is already done, and in refusing to acknowledge this to be the case, she runs States. On the other hand, it must be agreed that a risk of losing the indemnity offered by the United the pretensions of the Mexicans were perfectly ridiculous in the respective situations of the belligerent parties. On reading the instructions given be led to believe that it treated with a conquered by the government to its commissioners, one would people. Therefore we shall cite but two articles. gowns. The instinct of royal governments is not Mexico demands on one side, to be entirely indemdeceived. The question in Switzerland is of a nified for all the damages sustained by her during the republican federative constitution like that of the United States, and the creation of a national dition that the boundary shall be the Rio de Las war, and will not recognize Texas but on the conunity. Nueces instead of being extended as far as the Rio Now, the republic at our very gates is a serious del Norte. Now it is precisely the territory comaffair; we could get along with twenty-two frag-prised between these two rivers that is the object ments of a republic, but a complete republic is an- of contest between the two states, and Santa other thing. The cholera, which is advancing Anna insists on obtaining from the victorious rapidly, is nothing in comparison to this sort of Americans that which they would scarcely concede contagion. Remark, also, that with us the repubeven if they had been beaten. We can now lican party begins to distance the out-of-breath comprehend why the negotiations have miscarried, party of Mr. Barrot. What are the banquets of when the starting points are so completely at vaOrleans, Lille, and Dijon, if not republican? The ministry, indeed, tells us by the mouth of the Dé- and the Mexican commissioners to come to any riance; it will be extremely difficult for Mr. Trist bats that it is satisfied with the banquet of Orleans, decision. However, let the result of the war be satisfied with the banquet of Lille, and still more what it may, Mexico has lost ground. Her capsatisfied with that of Dijon. It will end by being ital and principal ports of entry are in possession of the United States. Her only source of revenue, be at an end. The guerillas, the rancheros, may properly speaking, her custom-house duties, will without doubt cause the Americans some loss; but a few men killed, a few baggage-wagons carried off, will not destroy the army. The prolongto render it more difficult to treat with the United ing of the struggle will have no other effect than States; and as definitively Mexico will be obliged to give up, the best thing she can do is to sell, for the best possible price, that which will be taken without any payment if longer protracted. have given this advice from the commencement of the war, but we fear that even if it is followed now it may be too late.

so much satisfied as to be too much so.

Will there be intervention in Switzerland? No. For there is no right to intervene; the five powers are not agreed among themselves;-Switzerland, united by a war of liberty, will renew upon her own territory our conflicts, and our triumphs, of

'94.

We have set officially forth, and sufficiently commented upon, the principles of non-intervention. We are bound by it. England, it is well known, will only offer a friendly mediation, and, finally, a hundred thousand rifles in the mountains of Switzerland will offer food for reflection. What is to be done then? There is only one solution to such a question; to raise monarchy above the republic polity by good government. Without that there is no salvation. Hopes founded upon the continuation of a war in the small cantonsupon the collision of the radicals with the king of Prussia-all that is an illusion. We must go on; -the floods rise-all the world hears them-we must anticipate them.

The Gazette de France adds-" The Corsaire is right. It is only true representative monarchy which can neutralize the republican movement in France. The diet will now reply to the pentarchy -We have settled our affairs; what have you to do with us, or on our soil, or at Neuchâtel? We claim what we shall defend-national sovereignty and independence."

We

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The evil is done. In France, religion has, unfortunately, lost all its influence upon the mass of the nation; real piety is scarcely to be found anywhere among the French people; they have forgotten the practice of any religious duties. In several of the towns a return towards religious observances has been manifested by some of the laboring classes, but it is precisely among those who are the least degraded of the population, and among those who have had the advantage of some education, and who continue to receive it.

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