By an article of the treaty of Adrianople, the | And stoop your necks and bare your backs to yoke Sublime Porte made over to Russia all its rights and scourge of France!

PRESIDENT POLK AND THE MEXICAN WAR.

heavy domestic taxation, or by greatly exacerbating the Mexican war in forcing the generals to support their army on plunder.

THE Spaniards committed a fault in their great and colonizing days, which we should not overlook The whigs might perhaps have carried their as a warning to ourselves. They attempted too point of making their government be contented with much. They grasped at far too great an extent San Francisco, had the Mexicans shown any firmof territory abroad, more than they could ever cover ness or respectability, either in their military dewith sufficient germs of future population. The fence or their diplomacy. Instead of differing with consequence was, that the strength and yearly out- Mr. Trist, the American envoy, on any main point pourings of Spain were frittered away and scattered of quarrel, the Mexican negotiator chose to break in so many regions, that their Spanish colonies, off on the utterly insignificant point of the Nueces, now that they come into hostile collision with the a strip of land at the mouth of the Rio Bravo. races and colonies of other nations, are not able to stand the shock. There is most of old Spanish vitality in those regions of South America hemmed in between the Andes and the coast, and consequently these emigrants and their offspring were most concentrated. They freed themselves, and have defended themselves; and Chili is now making the best essay of representative government yet made by the Spanish race.

Mexico was too wide for concentration. The monks and clergy soon monopolized influence and land, and they found the native Mexican a more convenient serf than the Spaniard. What with monks and viceroys, and monopoly and privileges granted to emigrants from Spain, to the prejudice of the creole, the descendants of Spaniards are scattered over Mexico in numbers not more than sufficient to people, to till, and to defend, a single province.

The attention and patronage of the rulers of Mexico were as much directed, as could well be, to the important provinces of the Californias and New Mexico, the provinces now in dispute. One was given to rich fraternities of monks. Both had great facilities of trade. But the population of both, taken together, was not more than 80,000 in 1842, of which one sixth alone was Spanish.

Mr. Polk has taken ample advantage of all these blunders in his message. His growl at Mexico, after the fashion of the wolf finding the lamb guilty of troubling the water, is amusingly impudent. So is his self-exculpation, by showing that it is congress which ordered each successive step of conquest and usurpation. "Congress," says Mr. Polk, "voted three millions of dollars to pay the Mexicans for the purchase of the Californias and New Mexico." They certainly refused the money, but congress having voted it, is a proof that congress wanted these provinces, and it would be disgraceful for it to go without the object of its desires. Who is it that said if Mars had descended to the earth in the form of a Quaker, the result would have been the appearance of Mr. Polk? Certainly Mr. Polk is the god of war, such as that deity might be worshipped by the quasi-pacific Pennsylvanians. How amusing and confounding it isfor there is power in the man's logic and impudence-to hear him so recount the Mexican war as to prove the Mexicans the most aggressive, irrational, arrogant of beings!

Mr. Polk's discourse to congress is a long pleading; in which he first of all convicts the Mexicans of having provoked the American conquest, and then of not being reasonable enough to How is a country to be kept by, or for, a race submit to it. This conquest Mr. Polk upholds to of so little expansiveness or vitality? Mr. Polk be none of his doing. Congress so willed it. And claims this large tract of territory in 1847. He it is congress, he asserts, that now ordains that he, more than claims, he wars for it—a foolish antici- Polk, shall not make peace, without carving off for pation. The mere increase and spread of the the United States one quarter of the Mexican emAnglo-American population would have conquered pire. Congress voted three millions of dollars last and possessed it in time. This inevitable result session to bribe Santa Anna to give up California of years and progress should reconcile us at least and New Mexico. The Mexicans scouted the to what seems a most unwarranted demand, but offer, and would not have the three millions. That which, far from violating the natural course of matters not with Mr. Polk; congress voted the things, only anticipates it. The American whigs three millions for the purpose, and it would be say with much reason to Mr. Polk, let us take derogatory to the American character to go withsmall slices of Mexico, and let San Francisco sat-out the territory that the three millions were voted isfy us at present. With the Columbia and San for. Such are the arguments by which Mr. Polk Francisco we have quite enough for our emigrants supports his war policy, and his determination to and our efforts. To take more at present will but persist in it, till Mexico shall submit. distract emigration, disperse instead of concentrating resources, and leave our positions in the Pacific much more exposed in case of war than if fewer and more limited.

If such arguments savor of the charlatan, and excite a smile, there are others nct without truth. The President, for instance, asserts that the Mexicans have no government, nor party able to form a Mr. Polk, however, wishes to go down to pos- government, and that in order to get together a terity as the great acquirer of North Mexico for Mexican executive of sufficient consistency to treat the United States, and he presses on a most use- with the United States generals, they must set to less war, for which he gives the most flimsiest work to form and support such a government and pretexts, and which he must either support by party. There is some truth in this, sad truth

indeed, for it amounts to an announcement that | loaded with slugs to the muzzle, ready to do exMexico must be completely conquered. But we ecution upon him in the event of trespass. Such fear it cannot be contradicted.

Not the least difficult part of the President's task is how to deal with the religion, the church property, and prelates of the conquered region. The Americans have hitherto avoided such difficulties at home, but they have now got a Catholic Ireland in Mexico, with a priesthood whose chief is in a foreign clime, who are too rich not to be despoiled, and who have a flock of ignorant paupers who can be excited to any folly. We are not at all surprised to find President Polk announce that he is about to establish diplomatic relations with Rome. -Examiner, 8 Jan.

THE IRRATIONAL DEFENCES.
"Be not too exquisite

To cast the fashion of uncertain evils."-MILTON.

ABOUT three weeks ago it was revealed to the public that there was extant a terrible letter from the Duke of Wellington to somebody, showing that the country was at the mercy of the French, and that it might be taken any day or any night, by a coup de main, for want of 10,000 additional regular troops and 150,000 militia. A writer for whom we have a great esteem, who contributes to the daily press under the signature of P. (the initial either of Popgun or Panic) divulged this tale of terror, gracing it with decent horror. The alarm was of course taken by half the public-for alarm is always popular, and John Bull is ever ready to be frightened out of his wits, unless he happens to perceive that at the same time he is very likely to be frightened out of his money.

preparations tend wonderfully to cordiality and a good understanding; that is, the understanding of mutual distrust, and of a mutual alacrity for throatcutting.

Six years ago we were laughing at the French for fortifying Paris. Lord John Russell has felicitously defined a good proverb as the wisdom of many, and the wit of one. The fortification of Paris was the folly of many, and the craft of one. But what is now demanded in sober England is not the fortification of a city, but that of the whole coast-board. We are to shut ourselves, like the Chinese, within a frontier wall. One says, if a war should break out, what is to become of Brighton? another takes the alarm for Worthing; another sees Bognor sacked; another contemplates the ravages of Ramsgate; and there are folks who look to the burning of dirty, swampy, unhealthy, placed Sheerness in the light of a calamity to be averted at the expense of some hundreds of thousands, though no enemy could be wished worse than the occupation of it.

mis

Si cælum ruat is the irresistible argument. Your if was once a great peace-maker, but if now is the maker of all the muniments of war. Possible risks are pointed out; but how is it practicable for men or communities to go through the world without possible risks? Prudence diminishes risks up to a certain point, but does not attempt the absurdity of excluding them altogether. In every act of life we take our chance of dangers more or less remote, preferring the chance to the sacrifices attending the avoidance. An individual that guarded The gist of the horrible discovery that has been against all possible dangers would have no fire. made is this, that in a time of profound peace we lest he should be burnt; would not stir out of his are not in the state of preparation that would be house, lest he should be run over, or have his suitable to war. The Frenchman's advice as to brains beat out with a chimney-pot; would not carrying an umbrella was, "When it is fine always sleep, lest robbers should surprise him; not eat, Nations, carry an umbrella; when it rains do as you like." lest a hasty morsel should choke him. The counsel as to defences is analogous. In prolike individuals, cannot make sure against all confound peace, keep up your defences as if all the tingencies, and take the part of wisdom in leaving world were in arms against you. In war, reto the chapter of accidents, provisions and precauduce them if you please. An excellent effect of tions too large and costly for the chapter of prudence. this system would be that war, whenever it should Protection is an excellent thing, but it is happen, would differ in cost very little from peace, quite possible to pay for it more than it is worth. and therefore people would cease to regard it with As the mealy-faced ghost of Gaffer Thumb rises such extreme repugnance. Indeed, when England in the burlesque, predicting all sorts of horrors to and France have raised works, planted cannon, and King Arthur, so Lord Ellesmere appears in the enrolled vast forces against each other. the feeling Times, warning this unhappy country of its frightwill probably arise that such preparations should ful insecurity, and what must happen to it if not be made for nothing, and that it will cost very the French should some fine day happen to land little more, bloodshed only excepted, to make use 50,000 men! "Awake, arise! or be forever of them, and to turn them to that profitable com- fallen!" is the motto of his lordship's fee-fa-fum modity-glory. epistle, to which we should reply, changing a word of the old epigram—

The type of ancient wisdom, Ulysses, thought it prudent to banish arms from an amicable meeting, saying the sight of the iron tempts the man.

The maxim, if you would be at peace be prepared for war, wants emendation; it should run, if you be at peace pay the full price of war.

If you would live on good terms with your neighbor, keep a blunderbuss in your window

"Lie still if you 're wise,

You'll be tax'd if you rise."

Lord Ellesmere has made the notable discovery,

"That for a considerable period, of which it is difficult to fix the precise commencement, the instinct of self-preservation has been in abeyance and suspension in this country."

sion.

To spend no more than sixteen or seventeen mil- and sailors-the indispensable machinery for invalions yearly in soldiers and sailors is evidence of the suspension of the instinct of self-preservation. Assuming the fact to be so, a blessed thing has been the abeyance; for here we are in safety after all, and having saved some thirty or forty millions, which the instinct of self-preservation, in the superabundant activity Lord Ellesmere would give it, would have cost us since the peace in unnecessary forces.

We are sorry to see some assertions thrown out in Lord Ellesmere's letter which will be greedily accepted in France, and which are as little calculated to discourage any propensity to aggression that may exist, as to do honor to the English character.

"If the French were to appear at one end of London, the wisest movement the guards could make There is no question that steam-navigation has would be to march out at the other. For the rest afforded new facilities to aggression, but Lord Elles-three howitzers would be sufficient, and the lord mere very much overrates the advantage it would give to France in the event of war.

"We have ceased to be an island; we have approximated in the opinion of all observing and reflecting men to the condition of a continental

state.

mayor would soon be busy with the details of billets, and whatever contribution might be accepted as a commutation for indiscriminate plunder.

"Let them come, I often hear it said; they will never return. Don't let them come, I say; but, if they do, let them return as soon as they can be induced to do so. I really do not see why they If the channel has dwindled to a ditch, this much should particularly wish it. In the present state of is certain, that the French swim their boats very as safe and pleasant a domicile as any in which the this country 50,000 Frenchmen would find England badly in it. Their steamers are continually meet-soldiers of Napoleon ever luxuriated." ing with disasters. They cannot go from port to port without some distress from the most lubberly The homely proverb says, “It is a dirty bird bungling. In the late gale the king's yacht had that fouls its own nest." If England were as to make the short passage from Havre to Cher-weak and spiritless as represented, it would be as bourg. To do this she was taken in tow by a well not to divulge so degrading a fact inviting to man-of-war steamer in the teeth of a rising gale. aggression, but we thoroughly believe that foul The strain upon the towing vessel of course soon injustice is done to the courage and patriotism of disabled her, and obliged her to bear up, which the population. It is true that we are not a milishe did so cleverly as to leave the yacht adrift tary people, but an immense proportion of men are without either sail or steam, and she lay tossing skilled in the use of fire-arms from sporting habits; and tumbling about like a log. The vessels saw and circumstances which depressed the spirits of no more of each other, and the yacht was next the country during the period when Napoleon heard of in the Downs. This is no unfair sample threatened invasion, have since given place to of French skill in steam navigation. The history others inspiring confidence. Up to the time of the of their attempts to cross the Atlantic demonstrates peninsular campaigns a notion prevailed of the still more strongly their miserable comparative in-invincibility of the French arms; the prestige of efficiency.

But supposing a fleet of steamers to bear an army to our coast, the difficulty of a landing is always overlooked, and the disembarkation of a large body of men is talked about as if it were as easy a thing as the proceeding of passengers quietly stepping out of a vessel to a quay; but they who have seen the disembarkation of even a brigade, and in a friendly country, know that the operation is not so simple and expeditious, especially if it is to be performed in boats. One ally of ours, whose force is always unnoticed, is sea-sickness, to which the French are more liable than any other people; and 50,000 shipped heroes would, upon landing, be 50,000 wretched, helpless invalids, nauseating even glory.

success was against us; Englishmen thought themselves doomed to be worsted by land; but now the prestige is the other way, and raw levies would go to the field to fight, for home at least, with as much confidence as the raw levies in the guards' uniform marched to the field of Waterloo. This country, with its mighty energies, must be as capable of self-defence as it is proved capable of every other feat and duty.

While deprecating demands for defence proportioned to exaggerated fanciful alarms, we are far from concurring in Mr. Cobden's opposite argument for a reduction of establishments.

"Est modus in rebus, sunt certi denique fines, Quos ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum." But armies of 50,000 men are not to be concen- For present exigencies our army and navy are trated in a day or a week, nor can they come upon not larger than necessary, and it must be some us like a thief in the night. They must have a time before the interests springing out of extended fleet to transport them, and such a fleet is yet to be commercial relations can enable us to dispense with provided. It will be time enough to think of aug- any of our defensive powers. As the slender menting our army when we see the French pre-roots of grasses knit the surface of banks and give paring and manning the steam-ships to throw them stability, so free trade will bind together the theirs on our coast. Confident we are that we particles of interest forming the great dykes of shall find soldiers sooner than they will find ships | peace; but the growth requires time, and mean

while other appliances for security cannot prudently be withdrawn.

asserts of the accessibility of the English coast at all parts, with all winds, and in any weather, canIndeed, we see more reason for adding to our not, with any approach to truth, be affirmed of the means of defence, short of extravagance, than for French coast. British ships, such as British ships reducing them, and should be glad to see the force are, could not make free with the French coast in and efficiency of our steam navy augmented; and a northerly gale, nor assail it at every point bealso some system adopted like that of the French tween Cape Grisnez and Cape La Haye, at any national guard, instructing the people in the use time of tide. Our steam ships and men-of-war of arms, and practising them in the manœuvres by would have to give a wide berth to a lee shore in which bodies move with order and precision. A bad weather. They could not attempt any boatday's drill now and then could be no great hard-work in northerly gales. The duke sees no such ship to people between the ages of 18 and 50; and obstacles to the operations of the French marine. if ten of the men so trained were only equal to one regular soldier in efficiency, the result with such numbers would be an important consideration for an enemy meditating invasion.—Examiner, 1 Jan.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON ON THE NATIONAL
DEFENCES.

THE Duke of Wellington's epistle is but another version of the opinion of the tanner in the fable, that for the defence of a city there was nothing like leather. From a passage in the opening of his grace's letter we had expected a different conclusion :

"I have, in few words, represented our danger. We have no defence, or hope of defence, excepting in our fleet."

Tides, rocks, wind and weather, are, according to his authority, no impediments to our neighbors, who must have made astonishing-nay, miraculous progress in seamanship, to have suddenly gained this decisive and far surpassing superiority

over us.

It is probably the discovery of the new and hitherto unsuspected superiority of the French navy, that has caused the duke to dismiss from his mind and calculations all reference to the English fleet. If the French steamers can land upon our coast in all places and circumstances, as we certainly cannot do on theirs, it is undoubtedly time to cease to count on our eclipsed navy.

steamers be idle while the French were equipping and collecting vessels for invasion? Is there a port, from Dunkirk to Brest, that would not be under our cannon, and subject to sudden bombardments and assaults? While they were busy building and fitting, we should be at least as busy burning and destroying.

But supposing for a moment that the superiority of our fleet were not lost, and that it could do rather more than our neighbors in the way of But with these words he takes leave of the aggression, though short of the extent of setting defensive resources in our fleet, and treats of our tides, shoals, breakers, and weather at utter defiposition as if we were utterly without the protec-ance-supposing this, would our squadron of tion of a fleet, and as if our defences were to be provided in complete independence of nautical powers or resources. The duke considers the case of England as if it were joined to the continent, not separated from it by the sea. He looks upon the channel as a road for the access of the enemy, liable to no let or hindrance. He, in the most literal sense of the phrase, takes a one-sided view of the channel, anticipating what the French invader may do with our side, but not casting a glance at what we might be doing, and a little in advance, with the other side. It has not occurred to his grace's mature understanding that two may play at the game at which he assigns us the purely passive part of anvil.

sweep

We cannot, however, pretend to argue that our navy could do to France all that the duke ingly asserts the French could do upon our coast. "I am accustomed to the consideration of these questions, and have examined and reconnoitred, over and over again, the whole coast from the North Foreland, by Dover, Folkestone, Beachy Head, Brighton, Arundel, to Selsey bill, near Portsmouth, and I say that, excepting immediately under the fire of Dover Castle, there is not a spot on the coast on which infantry might not be thrown on shore, at any time of tide, with any wind and in any weather, and from which such body of infantry, so thrown on shore, would not find within the distance of five miles a road into the interior of the country through the cliffs practicable for the march of a body of troops."

Now we are free to confess that what the duke 24

CXCVII,

LIVING AGE.

VOL. XVI.

We have high nautical authority for asserting that the superiority of the English steam navy to the French is greater than that of our sailing ships ever was; and this superiority exists, though our steam navy is far from being what it ought to be, and inferior to the trading vessels in build, speed, and handling.

Our first line of defence is not our own coastboard-our outer line of defence is the offing of the French coast. Our frontier for war is a gunshot from the low-water mark of France. It is there, not on the Sussex, Kent, and Hampshire Downs, that our floating advanced posts under the meteor flag will hold the enemy in check, and lay waste his preparations. The steam-arm has brought France under the guns of England. The advance is not mutual, for France has not the same elements and aptitude for steam-power: she borrows all from us, and makes poor use of what she borrows.

But to return to the views of the Duke of Wellington. Discarding the navy from his calculations, and considering England as far more accessible to French fleets than our dangerous shores are to our own coasters, his grace places all