ought to be proved, viz: Have the Democratic societies been one of the principal causes of the Western insurrection? This is a matter of fact, or otherwise, and it depends upon direct evidence. But, how do gentlemen handle this question? They digress into abstract propositions, a thing never heard of before, where a matter of fact was to be proved. I say, where direct proof is wanted, we see gentlemen standing on the floor for half an hour together, without attempting to advance a single fact in support of their assertions; yet this is the only admissible kind of evidence that the societies are from their nature unfriendly to the Federal Government.

[NOVEMBER, 1794.

erecting an oppressive aristocracy, and a paper nobility. There is not a man among them, who is able to write, and who does not know that these assertions are false. As to the assumption of the debts of individual States, it has been said that this measure was undertaken for the purpose of making up a large debt. There was no such thing. Before the adoption of the new Constitution, of which Mr. S. considered the Funding and Assumption Systems to be essential preliminaries, the credit and commerce of America were declining or gone. The States were disagreeing at home, and the American name was disgraced abroad. It was not to be supposed that every one of the measures of the new Government could please every body. Among the rest, excise was objected to in both Houses of Congress; but at last the good sense of the people acquiesced. At this crisis, a foreign agent (Genet) landed at Charleston. On his way to this city, he was attended by the hosannahs of all the disaffected. He did the utmost mischief that was in his power; and in consequence of his efforts, Democratic societies sprung up. Mr. S. here gave a particular account of some proceedings of a society in Virginia, of more than usual boldness. He quoted some of their expressions relative to a very illustrious character, the PRESIDENT, and added that perhaps the individuals who composed this society were in themselves too despicable to deserve any notice in this place. He did not know whether they were or not. [Mr. S. was here interrupted by a member from Virginia, and an explanation ensued.]

Mr. N. then adverted to a remark which had been made, that libels were daily prosecuted in this country, from which it was inferred that calumnious attacks on Government were the just objects of reprehension. Mr. N. said, that the comparison was not fair, because in a case of libel, the parties accused have a proper opportunity to defend themselves. Have these people here, (the Democratic societies) any such opportunity? It has been alleged, as a crime against them, that they have never once published any approbation of any measure of Government. Mr. N. argued that this arose from the very nature of their institution, which was to watch the errors of the Legislature and Executive, and point out to the public what they considered to be mistakes. Faults were the only kind of facts which they were in quest of. Here Mr. N. drew a material distinction. If these societies had censured every proceeding of Government, there would have been the greatest rea- He then returned to the subject of excise. He son for taking some measures. But what was the said that it was to be noticed, and he proclaimcase? As to an immense number of the proceed-ed it here, that antecedent to the Democratic soings of the Executive and Legislature, they had taken no notice whatever.

Mr. SEDGWICK thought that the PRESIDENT would have been defective in his duty, had he omitted to mention what he religiously believed to be true, viz: that the Democratic societies had in a great measure originated the late disturbances. It was the indispensable duty of the PRESIDENT to speak as he had spoken. The present amendment, [of Mr. FITSIMONS] would have a tendency to plunge these societies into contempt, and to sink them still farther into abhorrence and detestation. He pronounced them to be illicit combinations. One gentleman [Mr. NICHOLAS] tells you, that he dispises them most heartily. Another [Mr. LyMAN] says that they begin to repent. Will the American people perversely propose to shoulder and bolster up these despised and repenting societies, which are now tumbling into dust and contempt? Their conduct differed as far from a fair and honorable investigation, as Christ and Belial. They were men prowling in the dark. God is my judge, said Mr. S. that I would not wish to check a fair discussion.

One gentleman [Mr. McDowELL] had told the Committee. that the Assumption and Funding transactions were a cause of public discontent. It has been the trick of these people to make this assertion. They have said that the Funding System is a mass of favoritism, for the purpose of

cieties making their appearance, the flame of discontent seemed smothered. But these men told the people that they would be slaves. Was not this wrong? They should have told what was well done as well as ill done. From Portland, in Maine, to the other end of the Continent, have they ever approved of one single act? They have scrutinized with eagle eyes into every fault. Whom are we to trust, them, or the man that, more than any other human man ever did, possesses the affection of a whole people? The question is, shall we support the Constitution or not?

Mr. McDOWELL rose to make an apology for some words which had escaped him the day before. He did not expect to have been so smartly handled. He had been forcibly struck at the time, and had spoken from a momentary impulse. In substance, however, he adhered to all his former allegations. He still persisted in believing that the excise laws were shapen in darkness. He apologized for some part of his heat, from having seen and suffered so much by Despotic Government during the last war in which this gentleman supported the character of a brave and able officer.

Mr. HILLHOUSE approved of the amendment as proposed by Mr. FITZSIMONS. Constituents made no scruple to tell Representatives of their faults, and he saw no reason why Representatives might not tell constituents of theirs? The resolutions of Democratic societies printed in newspapers, had

spirited up the people in the Western counties to resistance. They had weakly fancied that the American nation would not stand by their Constitution and their PRESIDENT. But for the publication of these resolutions, there would have been no insurrection. This was a piece of information which the people of the United States had a right to know. It was the duty of that House to let them know it. The PRESIDENT had done his duty. Mr. H. did not consider the amendment of Mr. FITZSIMONS as an indiscriminate censure levelled at these societies; he thought it only a suitable answer to a part of the PRESIDENT's Speech.

Mr. PARKER Concluded this long debate by the following remarks. He did not think that Democratic societies were so far to blame as had been imagined. He suspected that the PRESIDENT himself, for whose character and services he felt as much respect and gratitude as any man in America, had been misinformed on this point. It would be absurd to say, that the Western disturbances originated from the publications of Democratic societies, if it could be proved to the satisfaction of the Committee, that such disturbances had begun, long before any of the associations alluded to had a being. To prove this position, Mr. P. desired that the Clerk might read a passage from the letter on that affair, written by Mr. Hamilton, and which has already been published in all the newspapers. The Clerk accordingly read a part of the letter.

from which Mr. P. inferred that his inference

was

[H. of R.

feel to this species of censorship. He concluded with these words: "They love your Government much, but they love their independence more."

The question was then called for on striking out the word, "self-created" from the new amendment of Mr. FITZSIMONS. For the amendment of Mr. GILES, ayes 47, noes 45. This amendment, was, therefore, adopted.

Mr. GILES then proposed an amendment, after the words, "combinations of men," by adding, "in the four Western counties of Pennsylvania."

Mr. HARTLEY said, that the gentleman should have added, "and a county in Virginia." This amendment of Mr. GILES was rejected. The Committee now rose, and reported the amendments to the House.

WEDNESDAY, November 26.

An engrossed bill, extending the privilege of franking to JAMES WHITE, the Delegate from the Southwestern Territory, and making provision for his compensation, was read the third time, and passed.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter, signed Oliver Wolcott, jr., on behalf of the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanied with estimates of the sums necessary to be appropriated for the service of the year 1795; also, statements of the application of certain sums of money granted by law; which were read, and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

A motion was made and seconded that the Hcuse do come to the following resolution : "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring

lowances hereafter to be given to non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, of the troops on the Military Establishment of the United States, and of the the time when the pay of the Militia shall, in future, Militia, when called into actual service, and to ascertain vision for the pay of the Militia on the present expedicommence; and to make further and more ample protion to Fort Pitt:"

Ordered, That the said motion be referred to the committee appointed to prepare and report a plan for the better organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia of the United States.

incontestable, and he then stated the absurdity of making the Democratic publications the origin of a discontent, which existed before them.. He was satisfied that the PRESIDENT did not wish this thing echoed; and that he would entirely disap-in a bill to increase the pay, and regulate the other alprove of the proposed persecution. Mr. P. said, that he had the honor of being an honorary member of a Democratic society. Personally he knew nothing of the gentlemen, but he understood that they were respectable characters; and that they were friends to good order and the Federal Government, there could be no question, for when the Embargo was laid last Spring, and some vessels had been attempting to get off, these vigilant citizens armed and embodied themselves and prevented the execution of the design. With all his respect for the PRESIDENT, he was not to give up The House resolved itself into a Committee of his opinions for the sake of any man. convinced that all this violent declamation and the Whole House on the bill to authorize the PREirritation in the House would do a great deal of SIDENT to call out and station a corps of militia in mischief, and would have an effect exactly the re-limited time; and, after some time spent therein, the four Western counties of Pennsylvania, for a verse of what was designed by the amendment as it first stood. A gentleman [Mr. DEXTER] had spoken of town meetings, as the proper vehicles for the communication of political ideas, and had drawn a comparison between these and Democratic societies. Mr. P. requested that it might be noticed, that in the Southern States there neither were nor could be such things as town meetings, because the population was too thin and too widely scattered. They were, therefore, to make the best of it which they could, and meet and deliberate, no matter where, whenever they found a convenient opportunity. Mr. P. expressed, in strong terms, the aversion that his constituents would

He was

the Chairman reported that the Committee had had the said bill under consideration, and made several amendments thereto; which were severally twice read, and agreed to by the House.

Ordered, That the said bill, with the amendments, be engrossed, and read the third time to

morrow.

THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.

The House proceeded to consider the amendments reported yesterday from the Committee of the Whole House, to whom was referred the Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech to both Houses.

The SPEAKER read that amendment, in which the words self-created societies and had been yesterday expunged, after a long debate, and upon the motion of Mr. GILES, from an amendment of Mr. FITZSIMONS.

A pause of a few minutes ensued. At last Mr. DAYTON rose and said, that if nobody else would make the motion he should make it, for replacing the words self-created societies and in the amendment to the Address.

[NOVEMBER, 1794.

wanted or wished for any echo of this nature, and he was still convinced that such was the fact. He was desirous for conciliation, but he never could attempt to purchase it, by an abandonment of opinion, without conviction that he was wrong. He now saw evidently that conciliation could not be obtained. He had done every thing in his power to obtain the best information. He had listened attentively to all sides, and if conviction had come home to his mind, he would have anMr. RUTHERFORD declared that he would op-nounced the alteration of his sentiments. There pose these words to the last. If the Democratic was one circumstance in particular which persocieties spoke nonsense, people would despise suaded him that the arguments employed on the them. If they spoke otherwise, the people would opposite side were erroneous, which was, that genesteem them, in defiance of any vote of censure of tlemen, who on other topics had been clear and that House. The people do not look on them with logical, could not, on this subject, bring themselves a great deal of reverence, but still they wish to to any definite construction. At the same time, hear them. By the turn which the debate has after hearing so many eloquent harangues for two now taken, if any man is in favor of these societies, days past, he could not suspect them for any want the President is drawn across his face. All the of natural ingenuity. One member, [Mr. MURjealousies with regard to the attachment of the RAY,] had inveighed against all societies, but when people, are mere nonsense. In the district which pushed hard, he excepted the Republican Society Mr. R. represents, there was not a single Demo- of Baltimore. A gentleman from Massachusetts cratic society. But these societies contain many had included them all in one general sweep of valuable and excellent characters. It answers no reprobation. [Here Mr. DEXTER rose, and inpurpose then to pass votes of this kind. Perhaps quired if Mr. GILES meant him. He received for Democratic societies have sometimes done wrong, answer, that he was not meant. Mr. SEDGWICK but this was not a proper foundation for condemn- was the gentleman referred to, and he explained ing them in whole. Every Government under that all the societies of this sort which he ever Heaven hath a tendency to degenerate into tyran-heard of had done mischief; and as to the Baltiny. Let the people then speak out. Why not let them speak out? What occasion is there for all this alarm among the stockholders? A man falls from his horse, and, while stunned by the blow, he says to his neighbor, is not the universe fallen? Just so the paper-holders have got a small alarm about their stock on account of this war, and in their fright imagine that the Continent is ready for an insurrection. He repeatedly observed, in the course of his remarks, that the country was in a state of the greatest prosperity and tranquility, if gentlemen would not rouse them with the present idle motion, from which he boded no good consequence. He repeatedly affirmed that all was well.

more Republican Society, he learned yesterday for the first time, that such a body had an existence. Farther about them, he could not say.] After this interruption, Mr. GILES reverted to an examination of what had fallen from Mr. MURRAY. That gentleman had declared, that he would dress the press. [Here Mr. MURRAY stopped Mr. GILES by denying that he ever said any such thing.] Mr. GILES declared that he was sorry if he had misquoted him. He should be happy to be interrupted by any member whom he might happen to misquote. He was glad to be set right. Mr. MURRAY then repeated the words which he had used, or rather part of them. Mr. M. said, that he was sorry for having expressed himself in such a way as to be liable to be misinterpreted, but sometimes it was difficult to avoid an ambiguity, or incompleteness of expression. [In the notes of the reporter of the sketch of yesterday, the whole sentence as pronounced by Mr. MURRAY, stands as follows: "The rights of the press ought not to be freely handled. The probe that would reach the bottom of the sore, might give a spasm to the finest nerve in the organs of freedom. We may point out the sore to our constituents, and though it might be empiricism to cut it out, we may give it an emollient dressing, and trust Mr. GILES declared that he felt his situation to the soundness of the National Constitution, and extremely delicate. On one hand it was highly the regimen of reflection for the cure." We have painful to differ from the gentlemen on the other here inserted this passage of Mr. MURRAY's speech side of the question. It was likewise, extremely of yesterday, in justice to that gentleman, because disagreeable to be engaged in saying anything that it seemed evident this day, that he himself could might seem to thwart the sentiments of the PRE- not distinctly recollect it; and on this passage SIDENT, or imply any want of deference or polite-it was that Mr. GILES founded his affirmation that ness for so eminent a character. He had en- Mr. MURRAY wanted to dress the press.] deavored to show that the PRESIDENT really never Mr. GILES proceeded to draw a parallel between

Mr. DAYTON inquired whether all could be well, when it had been requisite to raise an army of fifteen thousand men to quell a rebellion? Was it a mark of that universal tranquility and satisfaction of which the gentleman spoke, that an hundred and fifty men were now prisoners, and about to be tried for high treason? Could all be well in a country from whence large bodies of men had lately fled in a state of rebellion? He understood that the Democratic societies had been given up by all the members, as at any rate contemptible and useless, if not pernicious.

what is now endeavored to be done in the House of Representatives, and what has lately been done in France. When once the business of denunciation begins, nobody can tell where it will end. Robespierre, its great progenitor, has been its victim, and who can tell what kind of retorts may be attempted in America. The idea is not new; and has always, in the end, led to the destruction of the parties who were its authors. Mr. G. then adverted to the style of eloquence that has lately been introduced into this place. We have had two days of declamation. Looking at Mr. SEDGWICK, he said, that one would think Demosthenes and Cicero had risen from the dust, and revisited this earth to inculcate their favorite maxim of Actio! Actio! He was sorry to say, what he feared was true, that there was at least as much personal irritation, as deliberate judgment, employed on this question, and more he doubted of the former than of the latter.

[H. OF R..

censure, or, above all, to pass votes of censure and reprobation on our constituents? Sir, if such a clause had been inserted in the Constitution, it never would have gone through. The people never would have suffered it. Mr. G. here enlarged on the impropriety of wasting the time of the Committee and the treasure of the United States on three or four words of an Address. It was said, that this was a delicate subject. Why, then meddle with it? We are leaving the majesty of the people behind us by this kind of trifling. Gentlemen express their attachment to the liberty of the press, and they affirm that by this vote of censure they will not encroach upon it. The distinction is extremely minute between the office of a censor and that of a legislator. It is likely that they may be very soon confounded together.

Mr. G. requested gentlemen to look at the obvious consequences of what they were doing. It had been said that this vote of censure would sink The House had proposed to denounce the Demo- the societies-they were tumbling into dust and cratic societies. It was impossible to see where contempt. Why, in the newspapers of this very such a business might end; perhaps the Democrats, morning, a meeting was advertised for to-morrow when they got uppermost, would denounce the night. This was the natural progress of things. anti-Democrats. Mr. G. said that he employed Here Mr. G. explained the apparent prospect that this last term, because the term of Aristocrats the newspapers will presently be suffocated with would, he believed, be unacceptable to every party columns of votes, resolutions, and epistolary lumin the Union. The present amendment con- ber of all sorts. He then stated an important disfounded the innocent with the guilty. Many tinction. Many people who condemn the probrave men had stepped forward from these societies ceedings of the Democratic societies, yet will not on the present occasion. Indeed there were no choose to see them divested of the inalienable proofs that any member of these societies had privilege of thinking, of speaking, of writing, and been guilty. The Baltimore Republican Society of printing. Persons may condemn the abuse in were among the very first who took up arms to exercising a right, and yet feel the strongest symsuppress the insurrection, and, if Mr. G. was not pathy with the right itself. Are not Muir and misinformed, many of the Philadelphia Demo- Palmer, and the other martyrs of Scotch despotcrats had done the same. The impropriety, there-ism, toasted from one end of the Continent to the fore, of this vote of censure, would strike all other? And why is it so? These men asserted America. Mr. G. remarked, that he would be the right of thinking, of speaking, of writing, and very glad to know what Congress would say to of printing. Yet even their treatment, shocking any gentleman, a member of a Democratic so- as it was, did not come quite up to that proposed ciety, who had gone to suppress the Western in- in the Committee for the Democratic societies; surrection. He wished for leave of the Commit- for even these people had at least the semblance tee to personify such a man. "I am," said he, "a of a trial, but the Democratic societies have not member of a Democratic society. I am likewise even that. There is only one paper on the table that a member of a Republican society. The moment brings any evidence on the subject, and that paper that I heard of the Western insurrection, I took expressly tells us that the seeds of the Western inup my musket as a volunteer, and marched three surrection were planted by the very first introduchundred miles to suppress the insurrection." Mr. tion of the Excise law, that is to say, some years G. could give the address, but he was altogether at before the Democratic societies had a being. The a loss for what sort of answer could be made to Excise and the opposition to it began together. such a gentleman. It had been said, that when The Democratic societies, when they heard of people censured the House, that the House were the insurrection, concurred in a most explicit reentitled to return the compliment by censuring probation of it, and published their resolutions to them. This position Mr. G. denied. No, sir, said that purpose. Mr. G. said that he himself could he, the public have a right to censure us, and we not be said to have an aversion to excise, for he have not a right to censure them. We have a had been a friend to the principle, and had only title, as individuals, but when we undertake this voted against the law itself, because it was not business in the shape of a Legislative body, we restricted to a limited time. Mr. G. said, that he are as much a self-created society, as any Demo- had been an object of calumny, misrepresentation, cratic club in the Union. We are neither au- and abuse; but this should not hinder him from thorized by the Constitution, nor paid by the citi- proceeding in the direct line of conscious rectizens of the United States, for assuming the office tude. He should always preserve that dignity of of censorship. Look into the Constitution. We conduct, to treat abuse with silent contempt. are authorized to legislate, but will gentlemen show me a clause authorizing us to pass votes of

I have been, said Mr. G., and I still am dissatisfied with the Funding System. Its object, at first