H. OF R.J Public Credit. [MAY, 1794. Deeds, except those otherwise particularly rated, 25 the improbability of the whole of that sum being Ditto, foreign, 20 cents. Inventories of the effects of deceased persons, or for any other purpose prescribed by law, except in cases of goods distrained, or in compliance of any agreement between two or more persons, 10 cents. Bonds for the security of money, when the sum is above $50, and not exceeding $100, 20 cents. Above $100, and not exceeding $500, 25 cents. Above $500, and not exceeding $1,000, 30 cents. Above $1,000, 40 cents. Receipts for legacies, or shares of personal estate, in cases of intestates, where the sum is above $50, and not exceeding $100, 25 cents. More than $100, and not exceeding $500, 50 cents. For every sum above $500, $1. Not to extend to wives, children, or grandchildren: Notarial acts, 25 cents. On every transfer of the stock of the United States, at the rate of 5 cents for every $100. On every transfer of Bank stock, as well of the United States as those established under the authority of the individual States, at the rate of 5 cents for every $100. Letters of attorney, 25 cents. Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, observed that, in the present situation of our affairs, very considerable additional revenues were necessary for the support of Government, and to defray the expenses which had been, or were likely to be, incurred this session. He stated that the actual probable appropriations for the current year would amount to the sum of $7,694,217, while the revenues to meet them would not exceed the sum of $5,318,584-leaving a deficit of $2,375,633. But, as one of the items in the expenditures-viz: the million for foreign intercourse-would probably not be wanted, or, if wanted, might perhaps be borrowed, the committee had only stated the interest on that sum, namely, $60,000, which therefore left to be provided this session the sum of $1,435,633; and he was clearly of opinion that Congress ought not to rise until they had provided that sum. He was within bounds when he stated that sum as sufficient; for, if the million above alluded to (and which was destined for an object which the philanthropy of every member would urge the employment of, if practicable) should be wanted, and there should be any difficulty in borrowing it, (an event not impossible,) the House would regret the neglect of so interesting an object. The committee, however, calculating on called for, and on the prospect of a Loan, and unwilling to impose any further burdens than were absolutely essential, had ventured to depend on the interest alone, though it might have been more expedient to have provided for a part of the principal. Mr. S. said that, in the report, the sum of $650,000 was stated as for contingent expenses which might or might not be incurred. Since the report had been made, a law had actually passed for augmenting the Military Establishment, by an addition of a corps of artillerists and engineers, for garrisoning the fortifications, the expenses of which he estimated at $170,000; another law had passed authorizing the PRESIDENT to call into service eighty thousand militia; although this last was a contingent expense, yet, as the PRESIDENT was authorized to incur it, a provision ought to be made for discharging it. This was estimated at $150,000; the only item, then, remaining under the head of contingencies was the provisional force. It was probable this might not be wanted; it would rest with the House to determine whether the present crisis did not require such a measure, and, in that event, whether provision ought not now to be made to carry it into execution. He confessed he was among those who thought that a vigorous preparation for war was one of the best means to avert it; at all events, if it was the design of any nation to force us into it, we ought to be prepared for it, both as to miliAdmittary strength and pecuniary resources. ting, however, that this measure was not contemplated, it only produced a reduction of $330,000 from the sum total of appropriations, and would still leave a deficit in our ways and means of $1,105,633. Mr. S. observed that the appropriations of the current year would exceed those of any former year by upwards of two millions and a half of dollars. The several items which occasioned that excess were as follows: Building and equipping six frigates Fortifications of ports and harbors Building additional arsenals and purchase of military stores Appropriation for foreign intercourse Corps of artillerists and engineers Expenses of militia $700,000 300,000 350,000 1,000,000 170,000 150,000 2,670,000 Deducting the expenses of the militia, which was a war expense, still there remained the sum of $2,520,000 as an excess beyond any former expenses for our peace establishment, for there was not an item of expense in the foregoing statement which would not, or might not, be incurred, even if peace should continue. It was a fortunate circumstance, at this moment of public exigency, that the national Treasury was in possession of a surplus, arising from the revenues of former years, which surpassed our most sanguine expectations. This surplus amounted to the important sum of $1,618,584, and was a most satisfactory evidence of the growing productiveness of our revenues in times of peace and tranquility; and, while it MAY, 1794.] Public Credit. [H. OF R. would render more service to their country than by embarrassing with objections, which were equally applicable to almost every species of imposition. helped to enable us to face the increased expendi- were likely to be still further increased, he was tures of the country, it taught us to cherish that confident the House would be sensible of the prostate of things which was productive of such na-priety of negativing the motion. He was ready tional blessings. But we could not flatter our-to admit that there would be some difficulty in selves that the revenues of this year would be as carrying the tax into execution; but these diffiproductive as those of the preceding year; many culties were inseparable from the very nature of circumstances would contribute to diminish them taxation. It required little ingenuity to discover considerably, even if peace should not be inter- them, and to apply to them all the common-place rupted; the very prospect of a war would cause topics which were resorted to on these occasions. a diminution of exports from Great Britain to the But he thought that, if the gentlemen would emUnited States, and at the same time a diminution ploy their ingenuity and inventive faculties in disof consumption among ourselves. Prudent men, covering such revenues as would enable the Goapprehensive of war, would retrench their ex-vernment to face the present exigencies, they penses, in order to meet the diminution of their incomes, and to be better able to contribute their quotas to the public Treasury. The measures which have been discussed in Congress relative to a sequestration of British debts, and a suspen- Mr. GILLON said: When this matter was under sion of all commercial intercourse, would, by de- debate last, I offered a few remarks, with the mere stroying that confidence which has heretofore ex- view to obtain the information that seemed to be isted, unquestionably diminish our importations wanted. How far we have been gratified by the from that country, which principally furnishes gentleman who dwelt much on this mode of taxthem. To these circumstances might be added ation, the House must know; for, instead of prothe derangements occasioned to the commerce of ducing the calculations required, observations were this port by the unfortunate epidemic of last Sum-made that were as little convincing as they were mer, to that of all the ports by the present Em- pleasing. I do not think that my few remarks bargo, by the extensive spoliations committed on merited the replies which they met with, from our vessels by the belligerent Powers, and the in- three gentlemen in particular; but, as they have terruption occasioned by the Algerines to our com- condescended to pay some attention to them, I merce with the South of Europe. The Com- was about to follow up their mode of politeness, mittee, taking all these considerations into view, and not leave their remarks unnoticed, when my had calculated on a defalcation in the revenue, colleague moved for an adjournment. I will try arising from impost and tonnage for this year, of to recollect them, and shall first repeat what I then $1,300,000, and had estimated it at only $3,300,000; proposed, that the gentlemen who had been very whereas that of 1793 produced $4,600,000. It had attentive to the report of the Committee of Ways been proposed that, in lieu of these stamp duties, and Means differed so much in their calculations. the duties of impost should be increased on all and observations, that I was not altogether able articles which now pay a duty of seven and a half to form an opinion. Some observed that the reper cent. ad valorem to ten per cent., besides the port provided sufficient funds for a peace and a increased rates of duties on the enumerated arti- defensive establishment; others asserted that it cles. It was not a little surprising (he observed) did not. Some were for establishing funds by that gentlemen who, a few days ago, predicted an taxes for a war; others were not. It was urged, approaching war, whereby our existing revenue that, if there was sufficient for the present dearising from impost would be almost annihilated, mand, why press for unnecessary and odious taxes? should now not only count upon the continuance Let us rather confine ourselves to peace taxes, of that revenue, but should expect further aid from than be making experiments on land taxes, direct that source; or that those who are urging a sus- taxes, or an excise. It has, on all sides, been pension of commercial intercourse should rely agreed, that we had not leisure to qualify either upon commerce altogether for revenue. He was of these three kinds of taxes; that we had better decidedly of opinion that commerce was already adhere to what was absolutely needful; go home sufficiently burdened, and that it would be as un- and tell our constituents what we had done; but just as impolitic to add to the burden. We ought that, if a war ensued, they must prepare themnot to rely upon the proposed duties on the enu- selves for taxes that were now looked up to as the merated articles which, with the proposed increase proper funds for the expenses of a war. By this of tonnage, constituted an item of near $400,000. means, we should not only obtain their consent, This he considered, under present circumstances, but their aid, in qualifying them. And it was a very precarious resource. With respect to the well known that war cannot be declared but by other new sources of revenue, being untried, they the consent of the Legislature; that the PRESIwere uncertain; the House possessed no data by DENT, ever attentive to the interest of his country, which any accurate estimate could be made of would, if he foresaw that war was approaching, their product. Under all these circumstances, soon convene us; and that, whilst we declared while, on the one hand, the existing revenues war, we were at hand to devise the means of purwould fall short of those of former years, and the suing it. new revenues were either precarious or uncertain as to their amount, and, on the other hand, our expenses were necessarily much increased, and I could not agree with the gentleman who observed, what harm would it do to have a little surplus in our Treasury? It might be employed: H. OF R.] Public Credit. [MAY, 1794. be bold to say that we should have had no war, and our suffering merchants would have had restitution. Should a war ensue, our moderation and our forbearance will make us strong, because we shall be unanimous. That being the case, our resources will keep pace. in paying off the principal of the Funded Debt. | allies would not have been injured by it, I will I then remarked, that our citizens did not expect to be taxed for that yet. Because it was well known that many of the holders of these securities had, as it were, already received a great part of the principal, by having bought the indents, at from two shillings to ten shillings in the pound. Thus, all which they had paid less for than twenty shillings in the pound was, as it were, so much received of the principal. Now, in these few remarks, what was there to cause the replies that I shall allude to? The last observation could not be meant to any gentleman on this floor; for, it could not be possible that I should suppose that any member of Congress had been engaged with the speculators out of doors, who could not hire expresses nor pilot boats quick enough to conduct their plans. Far be such an idea from me. The past and the present members value their integrity too much to avail themselves of aught that is interesting to themselves here. No, sir; I rather would suppose that every member entering these doors left his pecuniary interest behind him. Impressed with that opinion, how could I think to offend any gentleman on this floor, unless they mean to convince me that I am mistaken in that favorable opinion? If so, so be it. Thus, sir, this gentleman, with all his conjectures and similes, has not flashed conviction to my mind that this tax is necessary. He has dwelt much on the majority binding the minority, and on his exercising his own judgment. He calls himself a representative for the majority. Can he be otherwise, whilst he represents all, which certainly includes both minority and majority? Sir, I always did, and ever will, aver, that we are the servants, and the people are our masters, who have employed us to guard their rights, and that submission to their will, properly expressed, is our duty. A very respectable number of citizens have advanced their opinion on this excise, and many are averse to all excise taxes. We ask for proofs that any additional taxes are necessary. We obtain them not. Therefore, I say, that it is the wish of all our constituents to lay no taxes but what are immediately necessary. Another gentleman, of the same State, made some reply to my remarks that the taxes on cards, coals, &c., introduced as additional aids to the other taxes, fell short, and were no object. But as that gentleman made no calculations thereon, nor on any of the duties and taxes, I know not at what he aims, as he continued much on the strain of the gentleman before me. I therefore shall now approach my colleague, who is for every tax that has been proposed, except the one on a transfer of the public funds, and the additional duties on American tonnage. He, to be sure, has made some calculations about defending towns, about duties on cards, and on coals, &c. Sir, I am not apt to be wedded to opinions, but, if I was not fixed before, I am now riveted in my opinion, that this tax is not only unnecessary, but is thereby also more odious. The gentleman before me, from Massachusetts, has, so far from answering my request on the Peace Establishment, entirely dwelt on the necessity and the propriety of a war tax. His volubility thereon proves to me that he is one of those who verily believe that there are already sufficient funds provided for all their engagements, else why not come forward with calculations and with proofs? Until he does that, sir, the censure he meant as to conjecture applies as fully to himself as to me, and his simi- My colleague presses forward the present snuff lies are far from being applicable. For, has he and refined sugar taxes, and says that the one upon come forward with any of the calculations, or has cards, to which I alluded, was trifling, an appelany one else done it? No. Surely, then, my ap-lation that I should not have bestowed upon it, plication is proper, and his censure of conjecture is improper. The simile, shall a farmer wait to sow his wheat and his rye until he is hungry, or shall we wait to lay on taxes until there is a war, have no affinity but in the highly cultivated mind that begot them, and merit not attention even to expose them. for it was that gentleman who proposed it. It was he who first spoke of it to me, and surely he did not mean me to support what was trifling. We all agreed that it would be productive. But, sir, I think I can prove that a duty on cards is not trifling, that it is equal, and that it is productive. Is it a trifling thing to encourage American maSir, you have done much. You have directed nufactures, to amuse ourselves with the raw mayour harbors to be fortified, your army to be aug- terials of America, to give our youths the oppormented, frigates to be built, arms and ammunition tunity of learning to shuffle and cut, and play to be had, and you have already provided the tricks with American materials? Will it be a means for completing these objects. You have trifling duty, when we know that most are fond done more. You have made provision for the of them? I know not how it may be in some payment of a million of dollars, to be borrowed, States, but I well know how it is in ours. The and to sink part of the principal; which loan is to games produced by cards are amusement for rich be applied for the purposes of military preparation. and poor, high and low. Both sexes amuse themYou have sent a Minister Extraordinary to Eng-selves with these games. Thus they are an equal land, to negotiate in the matters that might cause an interruption of peace. Then, sír, with all this, had we but continued the Embargo, with such exceptions as that our tax. Most people are fond of cards. The tax is not only an equal one, but none, I believe, will venture to say that it is not productive. If we knew what a tax on cards has produced, if we He Balance Supposed supplies and deficiencies [H. OF R. 3,035,451 2,010,000 1,025,451 That is, if the sums which I have taken from the printed report of the Committee of Ways and Means in my hand be rightly calculated by them; if there are errors, I call on the Committee again to explain them, and, in particular, to explain that lumping sum of $6,618,584. knew the quantity of coals imported, then, and then only, can we know their probable amount in taxation. A gentleman from Virginia is the only member who brought forward some calculations, and he required information from the Chairman; but, sir, I wish to trouble him a little more. says, sir, that, if this excise tax on tobacco, snuff, and sugar is struck out, there will be a deficiency of $210,000. I have often heard of that gentleman's abilities, his assiduity in calculations. But, sir, it is to be lamented that we have not before us the exact amount of each duty, each impost, The question was then taken, and decided in each tax, and tonnage, for 1793, the idea of what the negative-yeas 35, nays 58, as follows: each addition will now produce, and the amount YEAS.-Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thoof the Civil List, descriptive. Then we can col-mas Blount, Thomas Claiborne, Isaac Coles, William lect the amount of 1794. Until that is produced, J. Dawson, George Dent, William Findley, William and the documents and information which I have B. Giles, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, Carter demanded are laid before the House, I retain my B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, Matthew opinion, and therefore will now lay on the table Locke, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James Mamy calculations, founded on the report of the Com-dison, Joseph McDowell, Alexander Mebane, Andrew mittee of Ways and Means, and asserting that, if their printed statement is right, I cannot be wrong; but I hope my original view in this matter will be accomplished by my requests and calls on gentlemen to come forward with the exact state of our finances. This is what I have in view, and then I shall invite gentlemen to explanations on the lumping statements. To general support for 1794 Balance as surplus for 1794 By estimation of the revenues to the end of the year 1794 By additional duties and ton $992,500 150,000 $7,044,217 Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, Joseph Neville, Anthony NAYS.-Fisher Ames, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clark, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Henry Dearborn, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, James Gillespie, Alexander Gillon, Nicholas 1,000,000 Gilman, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gor6,044,217 don, Samuel Griffin, William B. Grove, George Han- 3,035,451 cock, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, John Hunt9,079,668 er, William Irvine, John Wilkes Kittera, Henry Latimer, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Francis Malbone, William Montgomery, William Vans Murray, Josiah Parker, Andrew Pickens, Thomas Scott, Theodore Sedgwick, John S. Sherburne, Jeremiah Smith, Samuel Smith, William Smith, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, John Watts, Benjamin Williams, and Richard Winn. -$6,618,584 Exclusive of any surpluses similar to those of 1793, and on the new additional dutiesThe supplies supposed to be wanted are, if the $1,000,000 be borrowed, the interest thereon, at six per cent. is If the addition to the Military Establishment, provisional force, and expense of the Militia is required, is The supposed deduction on account of the imposts by interruption in commerce, is Total YEAS.-Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, John Beatty, Thomas Blount, Elias. Boudinot, Gabriel Christie, Thomas Claiborne, David Cobb, Isaac Coles, William J. Dawson, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, $60,000 Samuel Dexter, William Findley, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Alexander Gillon, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, Christopher Greenup, William Barry Grove, George Hancock, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, John Hunter, William Irvine, Henry Latimer, Amasa Learn1,300,000 ed, Richard Bland Lee, Matthew Locke, William Ly2,010,000 man, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Joseph McDowell, Alexander Mebane, Andrew Moore, Peter 650,000 Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Joseph Neville, NAYS.-Fisher Ames, Shearjashub Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, Abraham Clark, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Thomas Fitzsimons, James Gordon, Andrew Gregg, John Wilkes Kittera, Francis Malbone, William Montgomery, Theodore Sedgwick, John S. Sherburne, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, and Artemas Ward. The other amendments to the said third resolution were severally read and agreed to by the House. A motion was then made and seconded to amend the fifth resolution, by striking out so much thereof as imposes a duty on all tobacco manufactured within the United States. And, on the question thereupon, it passed in the negative—yeas 41, nays 45, as follows: [MAY, 1794. ment, from the first of January to the thirty-first of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninetyfour, inclusive; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table. Ordered, That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill or bills for determining the Northern boundary of the Territory ceded to the United States by the State of North Carolina; PRESTON, be the said committee. and that Mr. WALKER, Mr. BLOUNT, and Mr. The bill, sent from the Senate, entitled "An act prohibiting, for a limited time, the exportation of arms and ammunition, and encouraging the importation of the same," was read twice and committed. PUBLIC CREDIT. The House resumed the consideration of the resolutions reported on Wednesday last, from the Committee of the Whole House to whom was referred the report of the Committee of Ways and Means. The first resolution being under consideration and above all other duties, there shall be laid on Mr. CLARK moved, as an amendment, that over YEAS.-Theodorus Bailey, Thomas Blount, Gabriel manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, a duty of all goods, wares, and merchandise, the growth or Christie, Thomas Claiborne, Abraham Clark, Isaac ten per cent. Mr. C. complained that no adequate Coles, William J. Dawson, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, William Findley, William B. Giles, Alexander of the House, on the injuries committed by Britain measures had yet been taken to express the sense Gillon, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, Samuel Griffin, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heis- towards the commerce of America. If, after this ter, William Irvine, John Wilkes Kittera, William Ly-regulation took place, only one-half of the goods man, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Joseph McDowell, Andrew Moore, Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, Francis Preston, Robert Rutherford, Thomas Scott, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, and Joseph Winston. were imported from that country that were imported before it, the ten per cent. of additional duty would be equal to the keeping up of the former revenue. The rich, who could afford to buy such commodities, would pay the impost. Those who could not buy them at the advanced price, would seek American manufactures, and this would give these manufactures additional encouragement. NAYS.-Fisher Ames, Abraham Baldwin, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, David Cobb, Peleg Cof- Mr. W. SMITH was against the motion. If there fin, Joshua Coit, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, is to be a war with England, it is not worth while Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, James Gillespie, Nicho- to impose duties, as the trade will be at an end. If las Gilman, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, William a peace is to follow, this motion will not advance Barry Grove, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, John it. So that, in either light, it is entirely superfluHunter, Henry Latimer, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Matthew Locke, Francis Malbone, Alexan-ous, and can answer no useful purpose. der Mebane, William Montgomery, William Vans Murray, Andrew Pickens, Theodore Sedgwick, John S. Sherburne, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, John Watts, and Benja min Williams. An adjournment was then called for and carried, and the House accordingly adjourned. FRIDAY, May 9. Mr. SEDGWICK appealed to the patriotism of the gentleman himself, that he could have no hopes of the amendment passing, but it would consume immense time in the discussion, and produce much irritation, without being of any service whatever. He was sure that the gentleman meant well, and he hoped that when he reflected on what had been just now suggested, he would withdraw his amend ment. Mr. CLARK did not know whether the amendment would pass or not. There was no certainty either way. He acted for the best. Mr. GILES. Much has been said about irritation. The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter He, for his part, felt none; and if the gentleman from the Treasurer of the United States, accompa- from Massachusetts [Mr. SEDGWICK] would renying his account of the receipts and disburse- strain his own passions, there was no fear of irriments of public moneys, from the first of July to tation. Mr. G. hoped that the member had not the thirty-first of December, one thousand seven forgotten the lesson delivered by himself yesterday, hundred and ninety-three, inclusive; also, his pay- as to submission to a majority being an essential ments and receipts on account of the War Depart-part in the character of a Republican. The gen |