rich, who had in a great measure withdrawn their property from it, as well as on the poor, on whom it had principally fallen. This will greatly increase the receipts, while they are proceeding, on the other hand, to reform their expenses far beyond what they had promised. It is said these reformations will amount to eighty millions. Circumstances render these measures more and more pressing. I mentioned to you in my last letter that the officer charged by the Ministry to watch the motion of the British squadron had returned with information that it had sailed westwardly. The fact was not true. He had formed his conclusion too hastily, and thus led the Ministry into error. The King of Prussia, urged on by England, has pressed more and more the affairs of Holland, and lately has given to the States General of Holland four days only to comply with this demand. This measure would of itself have rendered it impossible for France to proceed longer in the line of accommodation with Prussia. In the same moment an event takes place which seems to render all attempts at accommodation idle. The Turks have declared war against the Russians, and that under circumstances which exclude all prospect of preventing its taking place. The King of Prussia having deserted his ancient friends, there remain only France and Turkey, perhaps Spain, also, to oppose the two Empires, Prussia and England. By such a piece of Quix otism France might plunge herself into ruin with the Turks and Dutch, but would save neither. But there is certainly a confederacy secretly in contemplation, of which the public have not yet the smallest suspicion; that is, between France and the two Empires. I think it sure that Russia has desired this, and that the Emperor, after some hesitation, has acceded. It rests on this country to close. Her indignation against the King of Prussia will be some spur. She will thereby save her party in Holland, and only abandon the Turks to that fate she cannot ward off, and which their precipitation has brought on themselves, by the instigations of the British Ambassador at the Porte, and against the remonstrances of the French Ambassador. Perhaps this formidable combination, should it take place, may prevent the war of the western Powers, as it would seem that neither England nor Prussia would carry their false calculations so far as, with the aid of the Turks only, to oppose themselves to such a force. In that case the patriots of Holland would be peaceably established in the powers of their Government, and the war go on against the Turks only, who would probably be driven from Europe. This new arrangement would be a total change in the European system, and a favorable one for our friends. The probability of a general war, in which this country would be engaged on one side, and England on the other, has appeared to me sufficient to justify my writing to our agents in the different ports of France, to put our merchants on their guard against risking their property in French or English bottoms. The Emperor, instead of treading back his steps in Brabant, as was expected, has pursued the less honorable plan of decoying his subjects thence by false pretences, to let themselves be invested by his troops, and this done he dictates to them his own. terms. Yet it is not certain the matter will end with that. The Count de Moustier is nominated Minister Plenipotentiary to America, and a frigate is ordered to Cherbourg to carry him over. He will endeavor to sail by the middle of next month; but if any delay should make him pass over the whole of October, he will defer his voyage to the spring, being unwilling to undertake a winter passage. Monsieur de St. Priest is sent Ambassador to Holland, in the room of Monsieur de Verac, appointed to Switzerland. The Chevalier de la Luzerne might, I believe, have gone to Holland, but he preferred a general promise of promotion, and the possibility that it might be to the Court of London. His prospects are very fair. His brother, the Count de la Luzerne, (now Governor in the West Indies,) is appointed Minister of the Marine, in the place of Monsieur de Castries, who has resigned. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is appointed Ministre Principal, and his brother, Monsieur de Brienne, Minister of War, in the place of Monsieur de Segur. The department of the Comptroller has had a very rapid succession of tenants. From Monsieur de Calonne it passed to Monsieur de Forqueux, from him to Villedeuil, and from him to Lambert, who holds it at present, but divided with a Monsieur Cabarrus, (whom I believe you knew in Spain,) who is named Directeur du tresor royal, the office into which M. Necker came at first. I had the honor to inform you that, before the departure of the Count de la Luzerne to his Government in the West Indies, I had pressed on him the patronage of our trade with the French Islands; that he appeared well disposed, and assured me he would favor us as much as his instructions and the laws of the colonies would permit. I am in hopes these dispositions will be strengthened by his residence in the Islands, and that his acquaint ance among the people there, will be an additional motive to favor them. Probably they will take advantage of his appointment to press indulgence in commerce with us. The Ministry is of a liberal complexion, and well disposed to us. The war may add to the motives for opening their islands to other resources for their subsistence, and for doing what may be agreeable to us. It seems to me at present, then, that the moment of the arrival of the Count de la Luzerne will be the moment for trying to obtain a freer access to their Islands. It would be very material to do this, if possible, in a permanent way; that is to say, by treaty; but I know of nothing we have to offer in equivalent. Perhaps the payment of our debt to them might be made use of as some inducement while they are so distressed for money. Yet the borrowing the money in Holland will be rendered more difficult by the same event in proportion as it will increase the demand for money by other Powers. The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date are enclosed, together with some pamphlets on the internal affairs of this country. I have the honor to be, &c., TH: JEFFERSON. FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY. Paris, September 22, 1787. Sir, The letters of which the enclosed are copies are this moment received, and as there is a possibility that they may reach Havre Defore the packet sails, I have the honor of enclosing them to you. They contain a promise of reducing the duties on tar, pitch, and turpentine, and that the Government will interest itself with the city of Rouen to reduce the local duty on pot-ash. By this you will perceive that we are getting on a little in this business, though under the present embarrassments it is difficult to procure the attention of the Ministers to it. The Parliament has enregistered the edict for a rigorous levy of the deux vingtiemes. As this was proposed to the King in lieu of the impost territorial, there is no doubt now that the latter, with the stamp tax, will be immediately repealed. There can be no better proof of the revolution in the public opinion as to the powers of the monarch, and of the force, too, of that opinion. Six weeks ago we saw the King displaying the plenitude of his omnipotence, as hitherto conceived, to enforce these two acts. At this day he is forced to retract them by public voice; for as to the opposition of the Parliament, that body is too little esteemed to produce the effect in any case where the public do not throw themselves into the same scale. I have the honor to be, &c., TH: JEFFERSON. FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY. Paris, September 22, 1787. Sir, When I had the honor of addressing you this morning, intelligence was handing about which I did not think well enough authenticated to communicate it to you. As it is now ascertained, I avail myself of the chance that another post may yet reach Havre before the departure of the packet. This will depend on the winds, which have for some days been unfavorable. I must premise that this Court, about ten days ago, declared, by their Chargé d'Affaires in Holland, that if the Prussian troops continued to menace Holland with an invasion, his Majesty was determined, in quality of an ally, to succor that province. An official letter from the Hague, of the 18th instant, assures that the Prussian army entered the territory of Holland on the 15th; that most of the principal towns had submitted, some after firing a gun or two, others without resistance; that the Rhingrave de Salm had evacuated Utrecht with a part of the troops under his command, leaving behind him one hundred and forty-four pieces of cannon, with great warlike stores; that the standard of Orange was hoisted every where; that no other cockade could be worn at the Hague; that the States General were to assemble that night for reinstating the Stadtholder in all his rights. The letter concludes, "We have this moment intelligence that Woerden has capitulated, so that Amsterdam remains without defence." So far the letter; we knew otherwise that Monsieur de St. Priest, who had set out on his embassy to the Hague, has stopped at Antwerp, not choosing to proceed further till new orders. This Court has been completely deceived, first, by its own great desire to avoid a war, and, secondly, by calculating that the King of Prussia would have acted on principles of common sense, which would surely have dictated that a Power lying between the jaws of Russia and Austria should not separate itself from France, unless, indeed, he had assurances of dispositions in those two Powers which are not supposed to exist. On the contrary, I am persuaded that they ask the alliance of France, whom we suppose to be under hesitations between her reluctance to abandon the Turks, her jealousy of increasing by their spoils the power of the two Empires, and her inability to oppose them. If they cannot obtain her alliance, they will surely join themselves to England and Prussia. Official advices are received that the first division of the Russian army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is marching towards the frontiers of Turkey. Thus we may consider the flames of war as completely kindled, in two distinct parts of this quarter of the globe, and that, though France and England has not yet engaged themselves in it, the probabilities are that they will do it. I have the honor to be, &c., TH: JEFFERSON. Sir, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY. Paris, September 24, 1787. The times are now so critical, that every day brings something new and important not known the day before. Observing the wind still unfavorable, I am in hopes the packet may not sail to-morrow, and that this letter may be at Havre in time for that conveyance. Mr. Eden has waited on Count de Montmorin, to inform him, officially, that England must consider its Convention with France, relative to the giving notice of its naval armaments, as at an end, and that they are arming generally. This is considered here as a declaration of war. The Dutch Ambassador told me yesterday that he supposed the Prussian troops probably in possession of the Hague. I asked him if it would interrupt the course of business, commercial or banking, in Amsterdam; and particularly, whether our depot of money there was safe. He said the people of Amsterdam would be surely so wise as to submit, when they should see that they could not oppose the Stadtholder; therefore, he supposed our depôt safe, and that there would be no interruption of business. It is the hour of the departure of the post; so I have only time to add assurances of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, &c., TH: JEFFERSON. |