Caermarthen; and the Morning Chronicle of the 28th, which contains not the debates, for there were none-but the panegyrics upon it.

I have long seen, sir, in silent astonishment and grief, the negligent and imprudent conduct of a deceased French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in his negotiations and intercourse in Holland, the despicable history of a Maillebois, the unmeaning or ill-meaning intrigues of Rayneval, the Rhingrave, not to mention others equally disgusting, at Paris, with a Minister whom you know. When I first knew or suspected that the Dutch patriots and their confidential agents had surrendered themselves to female intrigues, I had a thousand apprehensions that they would finally meet with that ruin which you perfectly well know would have been the devoted fate of the United States if they had submitted to Mr. Deane's system, of de Maillebois and de Coudray's, ten years ago. Let me entreat gentlemen to compare what remains upon the records or files of Congress at that period, with what happened before and at the peace, with what has taken place in Holland, and thank Heaven for their providential escapes.

There are many worthy characters, now exiles from Holland and refugees in Germany, the Austrian Netherlands, and France, for whom I have many years entertained an esteem and affection, whose melancholy situation is truly deplorable. These, however, have ever appeared to me to be too inattentive to the sense of the common people in their own country, too little acquainted with the nature of government, and too confidently dependant on the support of France.

The orations in Parliament upon the speech enclosed are, however, more extraordinary than any thing that has occurred.

The interposition of Prussia in the affairs of Holland cannot be justified upon the principles of the law of nations; and, if truth and justice are not lost out of the world, will be marked by the impartial, both in the present and future ages, with severe censure. But the speeches of Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt appear to me to have set every tie that can bind mankind, every principle which ought to be held sacred, at open defiance. It is openly avowed by both that a treaty of alliance is in agitation between England and Holland at this moment, when a treaty recently made between France and Holland

is in full force, and when there is no pretence of a violation of it. Is not this a most outrageous insult in the face of the whole world, (for the debates in Parliament are known to be published all over Europe,) upon the law of nations, upon the faith of treaties and national honor? Is it the intention of the speech, and of the addresses which will echo it back to the throne, to force the house of Bourbon into a war? To me it seems manifest. If France should bear it patiently what are we to think? The fermentation in that kingdom occasioned by the ruin brought upon it by that Administration of whose merits you have long since formed an accurate judgment, and by the exertions to obtain provincial and national assemblies, threatens much confusion. It is not possible to foresee what the effect will be. I own myself afraid that the patriots in France will prove as unskilful and unsuccessful asserters of a free Government as those in Holland have been. A tedious relaxation, if not the most serious divisions, is to be apprehended; if, however, the house of Bourbon is unable to assert her dignity upon this occasion, I am clearly convinced that the pride and arrogance of England will rise so high as to demand the demolition of Cherbourg, and attempt to sever South America from Spain. Nor will this be all; she will demand the annihilation of several articles at least of the treaties between France and the United States of America. Nor will they stop here. If they can bind Holland in their shackles, and France, by her internal distractions, is unable to interfere, she will make war immediately against us. They are at present, both at Court and in the nation at large, much more respectful to me and much more tender of the United States than they have ever been before; but, depend upon it, this will not last. They will aim at recovering back the western lands, at taking away our fisheries, and at the total ruin of our navigation at least.

The United States of America, therefore, had never more reason to be upon their guard to complete their constitution of government; to unite, as one man to meet with courage and constancy the severe trials which, in all probability, they will be called to undergo in a very few years.

There is some room, however, to hope that Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox are outrunning the Dutchman in their disposition for an alliance. The friendship of France appears to me to be so necessary to the King of Prussia, that I cannot yet believe that he will advise the

Stadtholder to follow the English party so implicitly. The state of Europe at large is so confused that there is not one politician in the world, that I can hear of, who pretends to foresee what turn affairs may take.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

THE KING OF ENGLAND'S SPEECH.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

At the close of the last session I informed you of the concern with which I observed the disputes unhappily subsisting in the republic of the United Provinces.

Their situation soon afterwards became more critical and alarming, and the danger which threatened their constitution and independence seemed likely, in its consequences, to affect the security and interest of my dominions.

No endeavors on my part were wanting to contribute, by my good offices, to the restoration of tranquillity and the maintenance of the lawful Government; and I also thought it necessary to explain my intention of counteracting all forcible interference on the part of France in the internal affairs of the republic; under these circumstances, the King of Prussia having taken measures to enforce his demand of satisfaction for the insult offered to the Princess of Orange, the party which had usurped the Government of Holland applied to the most Christian King for assistance, who notified to me his intention of granting their request. In conformity to the principles which I had before explained, I did not hesitate, on receiving this notification, to declare that I could not remain a quiet spectator of the armed interference of France, and I gave immediate orders for augmenting my forces, both by sea and land.

In the course of these transactions I also thought proper to conclude a treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, by which I secured the assistance of a considerable body of troops in case my service should require it.

In the meantime the rapid success of the Prussian troops, under the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick, while it was the means of obtaining the reparation demanded by the King of Prussia, enabled

the provinces to deliver themselves from the oppression under which they labored, and to reëstablish their lawful Government.

All subjects of contest being thus removed, an amicable explanation took place between me and the most Christian King, and declarations have been exchanged by our respective Ministers, by which we have agreed mutually to disarm, and to place our naval establishments on the same footing as in the beginning of the present

year.

It gives me the greatest satisfaction that the important events which I have communicated to you have taken place without disturbing my subjects in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace; and I have great pleasure in acquainting you that I continue to receive from all foreign Powers the fullest assurances of their pacific and friendly disposition towards this country. I must at the same time regret that the tranquillity of one part of Europe is unhappily interrupted by the war which has broken out between Russia and the Porte.

A convention has been agreed upon between me and the most Christian King, explanatory of the thirteenth article of the last treaty of peace, and calculated to prevent jealousies and disputes between our respective subjects in the East Indies. I have ordered copies of the several treaties to which I have referred, and of the declaration and counter-declaration exchanged at Versailles, to be laid before you.

Gentlemen of the House of Commons:

I have ordered the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before `you, together with an account of the extraordinary expenses which the situation of affairs rendered necessary.

I have the fullest reliance on your zeal and public spirit, that you will make due provision for the several branches of the public service. I am always desirous of confining those expenses within the narrowest limits which a prudent regard to the public safety will permit; but I must, at the same time, recommend to your particular attention to consider the proper means for maintaining my distant possessions in an adequate posture of defence.

My Lords and Gentlemen:

The flourishing state of the commerce and revenues of this country cannot fail to encourage you in the pursuit of such measures as may confirm and improve so favorable a situation.

These circumstances must also render you peculiarly anxious for the continuance of public tranquillity, which it is my constant object to preserve. I am, at the same time persuaded you will agree with me in thinking that nothing can more effectually tend to secure so invaluable a blessing than the zeal and unanimity which were shown by all ranks of my subjects on the late occasion, and which manifested their readiness to exert themselves whenever the honor of my crown or the interest of my dominions may require it.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, December 11, 1787.

Dear Sir,

I have been desired by Patrick Miller, Esquire, of Dalswinton, to transmit to Congress the enclosed paper of experiments in navigation. It is the sequel of his Treatise on Naval Architecture, which I had the honor to transmit to Congress last spring.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Experiments in Navigation by Patrick Miller, Esquire, 2d June,

1787.

An account of experiments made by Mr. Miller in the Frith of Forth, the 2d of June, 1787, in a double vessel sixty feet long, and fourteen and a half feet broad, put in motion by his water-wheel, wrought by a capstan of five bars, each bar five feet long. On the lower part of the capstan was fixed a wheel, with teeth pointing upwards, to work in a trundle fixed on the axis of the water-wheel. The diameter of this wheel is equal to three and a half diameters of the trundle; so that one revolution of the capstan produces three and a half revolutions of the water-wheel.

The vessel is three-masted, and sails uncommonly fast when there is a smart breeze, and the wheel is raised above the surface of the water.

After making sundry tacks in the Frith, with all the sails set, the wind fell to a gentle breeze, when all the sails were taken in, and the following experiments made: