I was happy to find, by the letter of August 1st, 1786, which you did me the honor to write to me, that the modern dress for your statue would meet your approbation. I found it strongly the sentiment of West, Copely, Trumbull, and Brown, in London, after which it would be ridiculous to add that it was my own. I think a modern in an antique dress as just an object of ridicule as a Hercules or Marius with a periwig and chapeaubras.

I remember having written to you while Congress sat at Annapolis, on the water communication between ours and the western country, and to have mentioned particularly the information I had received of the plain face of the country between the sources of Big Beaver and Cayohoga, which made me hope that a canal, of no great expense, might unite the navigation of Lake Erie and the Ohio. You must since have had occasion of getting better information on this subject, and if you have, you will oblige me by a communication of it. I consider this canal, if practicable, as a very important work.

I remain in hopes of great and good effects from the decision of the Assembly over which you are presiding. To make our States one as to all foreign concerns, preserve them several as to all merely domestic, to give to the Federal head some peaceable mode of enforcing its just authority, to organize that head into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, a great desiderata in our Federal Constitution. Yet, with all its defects, and with all those of our particular Governments, the inconveniences resulting from them are so light, in comparison with those existing in every other

Government on earth, that our citizens may certainly be considered as in the happiest political situation which exists.

The Assemblée des Notables has been productive of much good in this country. The reformation of some of the most oppressive laws has taken place. The allotment of the State into subordinate governments, the administration of which is committed to persons chosen by the people, will work, in time, a very beneficial change in their Constitution. The expense of the trappings of monarchy, too, is lightening. Many of the useless officers, high and low, of the King, Queen, and Princes, are struck off. Notwithstanding all this, the discovery of the abominable abuses of the public money by the late Comptroller General, some new expenses of the Court not of a piece with the projects of reformation, and the imposition of new taxes, have, in the course of a few weeks, raised a spirit of discontent in this nation, so great and so general, as to threaten serious consequences. The Parliaments in general, and particularly that of Paris, put themselves at the head of this effervescence, and direct its object to the calling the States General, who have not been assembled since 1614. The object is to fix a Constitution, and to limit expenses. The King has been obliged to hold a bed of justice, to enforce the registering the new taxes; the Parliament, on their side, propose to issue a prohibition against their execution. Very probably this may bring on their exile. The mild and patriotic character of the new Ministry, is the principal dependence against this extremity.

The turn which the affairs of Europe will take is not yet decided.

A war wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties seems prima facie to promise much advantage to us. But, in the first place, no war can be safe for us which threatens France with an unfavorable issue. And, in the next, it will probably embark us again into the ocean of speculation, engage us to overtrade ourselves, convert us into sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture, which is our wisest pursuit, because it will, in the end, contribute most to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by speculation and plunder is fugacious in its nature, and fills society with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both public and private. We have no

occasion for more commerce than to take off our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some restrictions prevent this, yet the price of articles with us, in general, shews the contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we cannot carry it where we please, but because we make more than the consumption requires. Upon the whole, I think peace advantageous to us, necessary for Europe, and desirable for humanity. A few days will decide, probably, whether all these considerations are to give way to the bad passions of Kings, and those who would be Kings.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

P. S. August 15th. The Parliament is exiled to Troyes, this morning.

T. J.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, August 15, 1787.

An American gentleman leaving Paris this afternoon, to go by the way of L'Orient to Boston, furnishes me the rare occasion of a conveyance, other than the packet, sure and quick. My letter by the packet informed you of the bed of justice for enregistering the stamp tax and land tax. The Parliament, on their return, came to an arrettée (a resolution) which, besides protesting against the enregistering as done by force, laid the foundation for an arrêt de defence (an act) against the execution of the two new laws. The question on the final arrêt was adjourned to the day before yesterday. It is believed that they did not conclude on this arrêt, as it has not appeared. However, there was a concourse of about ten thousand people at the Parliament house, who, on their adjournment, received them with acclamations of joy, loosened the horses of the most eminent speakers against the tax from their carriages, and drew them home. This morning the Parliament is exiled at Troyes. It is believed to proceed principally from the fear of a popular commotion here.

The officer charged by this Court to watch the English squadron, which was under sailing orders, returned about a week ago, with information that it had sailed, having shaped its course westwardly. This is another step towards war. It is the more suspicious, as their

Minister here denies the fact. Count Adhemar is here from London by leave from his Court. The Duke of Dorset, the British Ambassador here, has lately gone to London on leave. Neither of these Ambassadors has the confidence of his Court on the point of abilities. The latter merits it for his honesty. The Minister of the British Court resident here remains, but Mr. Eden, their Ambassador to Spain, under pretence of taking this in his route, is in truth their factotum in the present emergency. Nothing worth noting has occurred since my last, either in the Dutch or Austrian Netherlands.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Office for Foreign Affairs, October 24, 1787.

Dear Sir,

Since the 8th ultimo, when I last wrote to you, I have been favored with your letters of the 6th and 15th August last, which, together with the papers mentioned in the first of them, were immediately laid before Congress.

Although the opinion of the most judicious and well informed seems to be that France and Britain will avoid war, and unite their councils and their efforts to preserve peace, yet as great events are often produced by latent and little circumstances, especially between Courts who distrust each other, I should not be surprised if, notwithstanding their wishes to the contrary, something should happen to frustrate their pacific designs.

You will receive, herewith enclosed, two letters from me dated the 27th, concerning the Consular convention, with a commission to you. to form one; and also a certified copy of an act of Congress of the 23d July, on the subject of the Morocco treaty and papers. The want of a safe and private conveyance has, until now, delayed the transmission of these letters and this act. I also enclose the following papers, viz:

1. A certified copy of an act of Congress of 28th September, respecting duties on goods imported by foreign Consuls.

2d. A certified copy of an act of 2d October instant, instructing you not to promote any negotiation for transferring the debt due to France from the United States.

VOL. II.-6

3. A certified copy of an act of 11th October instant, approving the manner in which the prize money due to the crews of the Bon Homme Richard and Alliance has been quotaed by France, and directing the Board of Treasury to distribute it accordingly.

4. A certified copy of an act of 12th October instant, reappointing you Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, together with a commission and letter of credence, and a copy of the letter for your information.

5. A certified copy of an act of 12th October instant, constituting the residue of the money appropriated the 14th February, 1785, for treaties with Morocco, &c., a fund for redeeming the American captives at Algiers, and a duplicate of the act of 18th July, instructing you to redeem them.

6. A certified copy of an act of the 16th October instant, directing you to have a medal struck in honor of Chevalier Jones, and a copy of a letter to his most Christian Majesty of the same date on the same subject. Congress were pleased to order that he should be the bearer of this letter; but I nevertheless think it proper that you should have a copy of it.

7. Copy of a letter of the 26th ultimo, which I this day received from the Governor of Rhode Island, requesting me to transmit to you the papers which accompanied it, and which I now transmit accordingly.

8. A copy of the Federal Government proposed by the late

convention.

9. The requisition of Congress, passed the 11th instant, and their printed journals, from the 10th May to 25th September last, which, with those heretofore sent, will complete your set from the 6th November, 1786. I also send the newspapers from 8th September to this day.

As to the claims of certain individuals against the State of South Carolina, I have, by order of Congress, sent an extract from your letter on that subject, together with a copy of the papers relative to it, to the Governor of that State, in order that they may, thereupon, take such measures as the good faith of the State, and the justice due to the individuals in question may appear to dictate.

The number of States represented in Congress almost daily diminishes, and I must fear will soon be so reduced as not to leave them in capacity to despatch any business requiring nine.