The probability that the posts will be detained, on pretence of the treaty of peace having been violated by American acts relative to British debts and the Tories. On this point your Secretary can only repeat what has been suggested in other reports, viz: that what wrong may have been done should be undone, and that the United States should, if it were only to preserve peace, be prepared for war. Mr. Adams's advice in this and many of his other letters is just; but until Congress shall be put by further powers in capacity to act upon it, there would be little use in particular reports on subjects which to them are at present rather matters of speculation than provision. All which is submitted to the wisdom of Congress. JOHN JAY. Dear Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, January 4, 1786. I have only time to acquaint you that, since my last, there have been some appearances of an intention in Ministry to take up American affairs. Lord Caermarthen and Mr. Pitt have certainly had conferences with committees of merchants, who have represented to them the necessity of arrangements with the United States upon terms which will give satisfaction. Nevertheless, I have no confidence in this at all, and I think that Congress and the States should not relax in any measure in consequence of it. Mr. Pitt did say to Mr. Campbell, the principal man among them, that Mr. Adams, the American Minister, was well disposed to a friendly settlement, and had made some propositions to the King's Ministers, who were also well disposed. He was very inquisitive whether they had seen Mr. Adams. They answered they had not, and that they were not known to him in the business. This was true in a literal sense; but in fact they had taken pains to give me circuitous information that they had been consulted by Lord Caermarthen, and to desire of me such information as I could give them; and I had, by means of Colonel Smith, conveyed to the sight of a person in their confidence some papers containing such matter as I thought might be trusted to them in such a mysterious way. The representation they have made is very strong, as they say, but I cannot yet obtain a copy of it. They pretend to say that Mr. Pitt assured them their report had given him new lights, and they think America may have whatever she desires, except a free trade with the West India Islands. This will prove only a delusion; for if the Ministry really are desirous of an equitable settlement, I am well persuaded they cannot yet carry it in Parliament; so that I hope the States will persevere in their own measures, and that even all the southern States will at least lay heavy duties upon the tonnage of such nations as have not treaties with us, and prohibit the importation in their bottoms of any merchandizes, except the produce of the country to which they belong. Even the importation of Irish linens in British bottoms should be forbidden as well as Silesia linens, hemp, and duck from Russia, and iron from Sweden, wines from Portugal, goods from the East Indies, &c. With great regard, &c., JOHN ADAMS. Report of John Jay on Mr. Adams's Memorial relative to the evacuation of the Northern Posts. Office for Foreign Affairs, March 30, 1786. The Secretary of the United States for the Department of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred Mr. Adams's letters of the 2d, 6th, 9th, 12th, and 15th December, 1785, and 4th January, 1786, with the papers enclosed with them, and also a motion founded on Mr. Adams's memorial, demanding the evacuation of the frontier posts, &c., reports: That, in his opinion, the instructions proposed by the motion in question would be proper and expedient, because, 1st. A categorical answer in the negative would involve the United States either in a war or in disgrace. They are not prepared for the former, and should, if possible, avoid the latter. 2d. It would not be expedient to press that answer while the intentions of the Court of France on the subject remain doubtful. Your Secretary, therefore, thinks that Mr. Adams should be immediately instructed in the words of the said motion, viz: "To 'protract his negotiations with the Court of Great Britain respecting 'the posts which should have been before this surrendered to the United States, and other infractions of the said treaty by that Power, so as to avoid demanding a categorical answer respecting the 'same until the further orders of Congress." All which is submitted to the wisdom of Congress. JOHN JAY. Dear Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, January 21, 1786. On Wednesday the Chevalier del Pinto informed me that he had written to Lisbon for explanations from his Court upon certain points; that he expected an answer in a few days, and that as soon as he should receive it, he would call upon me, and proceed in the negotiation; that, in the mean time, he would not disguise from me the solicitude of his Court to send a Minister to Congress. Etiquette forbids that the Court of Portugal should send an Ambassador, Minister Plenipotentiary, or Envoy to America, until the United States would agree to send one of equal rank to Lisbon. But if Congress had any reasons for not sending Ministers of so high an order, they might send a resident or Chargé d'Affaires. I answered him that I had heard it was the intention of Congress to send a Consul, but that I could say no further. Lord Caermarthen on Thursday told me he was at work upon an answer to my memorial concerning the posts, and should complete it as soon as he could collect some further information concerning the debts, of the obstructions to the payment of which the Ministry had received complaints from persons in this country who were interested in them. You may conclude from this, as well as I, what kind of answer it will be. I am very glad that I am to have an answer. Whatever it may be, it will lead to further eclaircissement and a final accommodation. Yet I think the answer will not come before the spring. It will take eighteen months more to settle all matters, exclusive of the treaty of commerce. Mr. Eden has said within a few days that he believed there would be a treaty of commerce with the United States of America within a year or two. He may wish to be employed in it; for however sanguine he may be of his success at Versailles, I shall lose my guess if he ever accomplishes a commercial treaty with that Court. He may, however. This nation would now crouch to France for the sake of being insolent to us. The disposition to crush the weak is almost always attended with that of cringing to the strong. Arrogance to inferiors is ever servile to superiors. But a treaty with France, such as she would accept, would be hurtful to such numbers, and raise such an opposition that I cannot yet believe Mr. Eden will be permitted to sign one. The term of two years is expired, and Del Campo has done nothing. Crawford is returned without doing any thing as I suppose. The true secret of the appointment of Mr. Eden, as I conceive, is the Court of Versailles was offended that Crawford was not allowed to do any thing, and used some sharp expression which intimidated the Ministry. Eden was appointed for two ends, first, to appease the wrath at Versailles, and secondly, to keep up a mysterious delusive hope in the English nation. Perhaps, too, the Ministry are afraid of commercial speculations between France and Ireland. These conjectures are precarious, and no great stress should be laid on them. With great respect &c., JOHN ADAMS. Dear Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, January 26, 1786. Give me leave to introduce to you John Anstey, Esquire, barrister at law and a member of Parliament, who goes out by authority to verify the claims of the Loyalists, as they call themselves. I believe it to be the design of Mr. Pitt to pay their demands which shall be found to be supported, and withdraw their pensions, and then leave them to seek their fortunes. In such a case, if our States repeal their laws against them, they will generally return to their old homes, or to some other part of the United States, where they must become good citizens or be completely insignificant. By Mr. Anstey I send you the King's speech and the debates upon it. The most remarkable thing in them is that the King and every member of each house have entirely forgotten that there is any such place upon earth as the United States of America. We appear to be considered as of no consequence at all in the scale of the VOL. II.-36 world. The next thing observable is, that Administration and Opposition are agreed in turning their thoughts to a confederation with Russia and Denmark, in which they wish to get the Emperor to join, as a balance to the confederation between the House of Bourbon and Holland, to which they suppose Sweden attached. They are agreed also in the fact that there is a surplus of revenue in the Treasury, and, therefore, that the resources of the country are inexhaustible. You may, perhaps, smile at this inference, but they are very grave. I do not know whether we ought not to wish that they may succeed in their project of connexions with Prussia and Denmark, and the Emperor, too; because, when one part of Europe shall become thus formally pitted against the other, probably both sides may begin to recollect that there is such a Power as the United States of America, and that she has some influence. Congress may, in such case, take more time to deliberate whether it is necessary for them to engage at all, and if it should appear inevitable, they may make better terms. In the mean time, it is much to be wished, that a friendly settlement could be made with Spain, and that a Minister might be sent to Holland, whose inhabitants are the most cordial friends we have in Europe. I have had an opportunity this week of conversing with the Marquis of Lansdown and Lord Abingdon, his friend and admirer. They appear to me to be as far from having adopted any decisive system relative to us as Mr. Pitt or Mr. Fox. This conversation has removed every expectation that there will be any party, or even any individual, in Parliament in favor of a liberal commerce with us. The United States, therefore, have no choice left. They must support their own navigation or have none. With great and sincere esteem, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. Office for Foreign Affairs, May 4, 1786. Dear Sir, Since the 22d of February, which was the date of my last letter to you, I have been honored with yours of the 4th, 5th, and 11th November, and 2d, 6th, 9th, 12th, and 15th, and one of December |