Portugal or France, to Spain, or even to the East Indies. All this was very patiently and civilly heard, but not a word of answer. I then asked what could be the reason that the commerce between the United States and the remaining British colonies, Canada and Nova Scotia, should not be encouraged; it had been found mutually beneficial heretofore, and our share of the profit of it had been a source of remittance to England, and would be again. Those colonies, especially Nova Scotia, would find it difficult to subsist without it for a long time. Finding, however, that his lordship was determined to deliver no opinions, nor give the smallest hint from whence any conclusions or conjectures could be formed, I asked him for his advice, whether it would answer any good end for me to wait on any other of the Ministers, as my Lord Camden and the Duke of Richmond, for example, and enter into more particular conversation with them upon these subjects? His lordship said Lord Camden was gone into the country, and the Duke of Richmond to the distant sea-ports, and would not be here for many weeks; but Mr. Pitt was here. I replied that I had found Mr. Pitt, in the conversations I had with him, candid and intelligent, and that for any thing I knew the affairs of the nation could not be in better hands; but he was in a critical situation, and if a foundation should be laid of a final alienation between England and America, it would be a deeper stain, a blacker blot, upon his administration than the independence of the United States had been upon that of Lord North.

It is not worth your while nor mine to endeavor to collect more particularly this useless conversation, in which the reciprocity, as Lord North said on another occasion, was all on one side. I did not think it prudent to urge to his Lordship the possibility of any other new connexion between the United States and other European nations than commercial ones, the possibility and the probability of a more permanent, indeed, of a perpetual, defensive alliance between France, Spain, Holland, and the United States, with even Ireland soliciting to be the fifth Power, is so obvious to common sense, that one would think it could not escape the contemplations of the Ministry.

There are persons in this kingdom sufficiently insane to say that they will bring America to petition to come again under the Government of this country. They will distress them till they break their

faith with France, and then they say "we will spurn them." If the King and Ministry entertain such thoughts, they are weaker than I ever thought them, and wickeder than anybody ever represented them. But although insidious policy is not a novelty in this country, I do not believe them capable of such an excess of it at this time.

The true secret I conceive to be a real ignorance and indecision what to do. They have discovered by their Newfoundland bill and Irish propositions, a desire to preserve the principle of the navigation act against the United States. Both these experiments have been unfortunate. The first produced the Massachusetts and New Hampshire navigation acts, and the last procured a defeat in the Parliament of Ireland. They are now confounded, and know not whether to persevere or to retreat, and I am convinced they have agreed together to observe a total silence with me until they shall come to a resolution. This reserve they maintain to all others as well as to me, lest any hints might escape them by which the various parties who are led by Shelburne, Buckingham, North, and Fox, should know how to begin the foundation of their oppositions. They are really embarrassed, for whatever treaty they make with us, must be submitted to Parliament, either before it is signed, or it must be made and signed expressly subject to the approbation or disapprobation of Parliament; and they are at a loss to guess what they can carry through Parliament, knowing the talents of the opposition, and the force of national prejudice and passion in favor of the navigation laws. They are afraid to attempt what they know they ought to do.

This being the state of things, you may depend upon it the commerce of America will have no relief at present, nor, in my opinion, ever, until the United States shall have generally passed navigation acts. If this measure is not adopted, we shall be derided, and the more we suffer the more will our calamities be laughed at. My most earnest exhortations to the States, then, are and ought to be to lose no time in passing such acts. They will raise our reputation all over the world, and will avail us in treating with France and Holland, as well as England; for, when these nations once see us in the right way, united in such measures, they will estimate more highly our commerce, our credit, and our alliances. The question has been asked in France as often as in England, what have you to

give in exchange for this and that, particularly, it was a constant question of the Mareschal de Castries, what have you to give as a reciprocity for the benefit of going to our islands? When we have once made a navigation act, or shewn that we can unite in making one, we may answer, we can repeal our act or our imposts in return for your repealing yours.

With regard to this country, I confess to you I never should have believed, nor could have imagined, the real situation of it, if I had not been here, and resided here some time. I never could have conceived such an union of all parliamentary factions against us, which is a demonstration of the unpopularity of our cause. If the States do not make haste to confine their exports to their own ships, and lay on duties on British merchandize, which shall give a decided advantage to our own manufactures, and those of Germany, France, and other nations, it will be to no purpose to continue a Minister here, and I am sure I shall wish myself any where else rather than here. These are remedies which Congress and the States can apply. I should hope that they will not proceed farther at present; but if these are found insufficient, I hope they will think of proceeding farther in commercial treaties with other nations, and reserve the resource of further alliances as a last resort.

The drafts already made, and the negotiations in Barbary, will exhaust your little fund in Amsterdam, and before next March all your servants in Europe must return home for want of means even of subsistence unless something is done. Our countrymen should not expect that miracles will be wrought for their relief. If their affairs are not conducted with wisdom and activity, they will reap most certainly the fruits of folly and supineness.

Before I conclude, I will mention one more extravagance that I know is lurking in some hearts here. They would willingly embarrass Mr. Pitt in any rational plan of agreement with me, and cheerfully precipitate him into war with the United States if they could, well knowing that it would be his ruin. They think, and I can add, they say, "that Canada and Nova Scotia must soon be There must be a war for it. They know how it will end, 'but the sooner the better. This done, we shall be forever at peace. 'Till then, never." But these people do not consider that this will involve us in unchangeable connexions with France, and prove the final ruin of this country.

'ours.

The stocks have lately risen to sixty-five and sixty-six. Whether this is owing to Ministerial tricks, or the real affluence of money, it will raise the fund of pride and vanity in the nation in a much greater proportion, and make it more difficult for the Minister to do what even he may think right with America.

I must conclude by repeating that my only hopes are in the virtue, resolution, and unanimity of my fellow-citizens.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, October 25, 1785.

The Crown of Great Britain has sometimes pledged its prerogative to relax the navigation act, but the Parliament and nation would not admit of it. By the fifteenth article of the definitive treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, signed at Lisbon the 16th May, 1703, "the personal privileges and freedom of trade which the subjects ' of Great Britain and the States of the United Provinces at present 'enjoy in Portugal, the Portuguese shall, in their turn, enjoy in the 'dominions of Great Britain and the States of the United Provinces." This you see was a stipulation directly against the navigation act. But although the prerogative of the Crown in foreign negotiations is acknowledged to be sovereign, yet the English contend that it is not sufficient to set aside an act of Parliament, and therefore, this article has never been complied with, and the Portuguese complain of it to this day as a breach of faith.

Sensible of this difficulty, the Minister, I presume, will not venture upon any treaty with us, without either previously taking the sense of Parliament, or making the treaty subject to its subsequent approbation; either of which measures will open a boundless field of argument and obloquy. You will not wonder that he dreads it. He cannot, however, avoid it. The American intercourse act expires on the 5th of April, 1786, and the Newfoundland act expires on the 25th of March, 1786; and the bare revisal of these statutes will necessarily bring on a discussion.

The Newfoundland act is considered here by some as a mere machine to try an experiment, to feel the pulse of the House, and

to discover what sentiments were entertained, and what principles would be declared by the various branches of opposition; and it is curious to observe the presence of mind of the leaders, and the art with which they evaded the snare. They showed plainly that they were determined not to be out-generaled by so young an officer.

On the 2d of February, 1785, Mr. Pitt moved in a Committee of the Whole House, that leave be given to bring in a bill for confining, for a time to be limited, the trade between the ports of the United States of America and his Majesty's subjects in the Island of Newfoundland to bread, flour, and live-stock, to be imported in none but British-built ships actually belonging to British subjects.

Mr. Eden, one of the coalition men, seems not to have been aware of the design, and declared at once sentiments which probably Mr. Pitt wished the whole opposition to avow. He wished “that trade might not suffer by the several restrictions intended by this measure. Confining that whole trade to British bottoms would narrow it much 'more than most people would imagine. It would divert it into 'other channels, and ultimately annihilate our colonies in that part 'of the world. He had always found that to encourage commerce, 'you must treat it with liberality. The proposed bill threatened a 'very different effect; and, therefore, he had thrown out these hints 'before the business had assumed any shape more formal, in order 'that those concerned in the construction of the bill might be on 'their guard."

Mr. Jenkinson, whose opinion probably had influenced Mr. Pitt to move for so illiberal a bill, was apprehensive "that our navy would 'ultimately suffer, unless every possible attention were paid to the protection, extension, and encouragement of our shipping. This ' appeared to him an object of infinite consequence, and demanded 'the consideration and sanction of the Legislature. He should, 'therefore, insist that in the framing of this bill, the greatest care 'should be taken that all our commerce in that quarter should be 'carried on in British bottoms only."

On the 4th of February, Mr. Eden was for moving to discharge the order for bringing in the bill. Mr. Jenkinson complained that he had been misrepresented; that he meant to say that there was not, and never had been any law to prevent ships coming from the British colonies to trade in any part of the globe, the East Indies only excepted by the charter of the company.