able discussion. The subject long continued before Congress; but so various have been the plans for the disposition of the public lands, that no one has yet received the sanction of the federal legislature.

Other important subjects were introduced and debated in Congress, at this session, and occupied much time, but on which there was no decided legislative action. A bill for retrenchment in the public expenditures was repeatedly discussed; but it was not passed; after all the charges of extravagance against Mr. Adams's administration, it was not found that any items of the public expense could be reasonably dispensed with. The charge made in 1828, of this nature, was chiefly for party objects, or in ignorance; and the appropriations and expenditures for 1830, and annually afterwards, were fully equal to those made from 1825 to 1828, except that about fifty thousand dollars had been expended in 1826, '27, and '28, for various surveys, as authorized by laws of Congress, with a view to public and national objects-these were not continued during President Jackson's administration, as he doubted the right of the federal government to expend money for such purposes.

In his public message to Congress, in December, 1829, the President recommended a revision of the tariff of 1828; of which the people in some parts of the Union complained as excessive and unequal. He was in favor of affording encouragement to domestic manufactures; but believed, as many others did, that a less duty than that imposed by the former law, would prove a sufficient protection for manufacturing establishments in the United States. The subject was referred to a committee in the House of Representatives, by whom a report was made, that it was inexpedient to make any alteration in the law then in force. This report was accepted in the House, though the minority, on the question, was a large one. The subject was discussed in the Senate, where the majority were disposed to have the act modified; but the vote of the Representatives, being in favor of its continuance unchanged, nothing could be legally effected. No doubt that considerations of local interest had an influence in the opinions entertained; the manufacturing establishments were not to be found in the southern parts of the country. In the eastern and some of the middle States, they were numerous; while few had been introduced in the south or west. In May, 1830, a bill was passed in both branches of the national legislature, making appropriations for the erection of lighthouses, beacons, &c. -for improving harbors, and for surveys-which was laid

before the President, on the last day of the session, for his approval. But he did not give it his signature, nor return it to Congress with objections. And thus it failed to become a law. The President was blamed on this account, as being arbitrary, or as neglecting his official duty. It was said by his political friends, that he was opposed to some of the objects for which the appropriations were made, and had not time for a due consideration of the bill in all its parts. Some of the provisions related to works of internal improvements, on the constitutionality of which he entertained doubts.* A similar complaint was made respecting his conduct, at a later period, when he retained a bill regulating the sale of the public lands, which was of great importance, without signing it, and when there was sufficient time to have examined and returned it for the further action of Congress.

The annual message of President Jackson, in December, 1830, was unusually elaborate. It was full and minute, in the statements relating to the proceedings of the executive department of government, during the recess of the legis lature; to diplomatic occurrences and efforts; and to the fulfilment of various acts of Congress, assigned to the action of the President; with more of reasoning, to show the correctness of the conduct of the executive, than usual, or was perhaps necessary. For it is the province of the legislative to examine the executive proceedings, and to judge of their

correctness.

The acts of the administration, during the year 1830, besides the common and necessary duties occurring in the various departments of the government, were referred to in the message, and afford ground for an opinion of the true state and condition of the United States, at that period. The commercial intercourse with the colonial ports of Great Britain, though nominally improved, remained very nearly on the same footing it had been for several years previously. A Convention had, indeed, been formed and accepted; but the commercial part of the nation was not satisfied with it, as there was much ceded, to the benefit of England, and but very little to the United States. The restrictions on American vessels, visiting the colonies of Great Britain, were not removed. The negotiation had been conducted

* In his next annual message, the President stated his objections to the bill for a subscription to the stock of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, to be of this character; and that he disapproved of the bill for lighthouses, &c. as their increase served rather to confuse and mislead the navigator than to be a means of safety.

and concluded in a friendly manner by the ministers of the two governments; and a hope was expressed by the President, that in due time more favorable terms might be obtained, and a fair reciprocity in trade, between the ports of both nations, be established.* The attempts made for participating in the trade of the Black sea, had not proved unsuccessful; and by a treaty then recently made with the Sublime Porte, similar privileges were granted to the United States as to the most favored nations in Europe.t The relations between the United States and Russia were of a stable and satisfactory character. A treaty had been agreed on with Denmark; by which six hundred and fifty thousand dollars were to be paid to American citizens, as an indemnity for spoliations on their commercial property in 1808-1811. Similar indemnity was expected soon to be received from some other European governments, on whom claims had been several years before made, for like previous depredations. The negotiations with France for a recognition and allowance of claims on that government, in consequence of depredations committed on American commerce, at former periods, and to a large amount, had been prosecuted with renewed zeal, and with a strong hope of speedy success; for a friendly spirit was manifested by the French government on the subject, although some objections were offered, as to an allowance of all the claims; the recent revolution in France indicating a favorable result to the negotiation,‡ as well as a proper occasion for extending the commercial

* It was more than intimated, in the instructions given to Mr. McLane, the Envoy to the British court, in 1830, that the embarrassments on the commercial intercourse between the two countries, especially with the colonial ports of Great Britain, should be attributed to the improper demands or the mistakes of the preceding administration; and that President Jackson and his ministers were more desirous of adjusting the difficulties on this subject, and would be more ready to agree to the terms proposed by the British government. A suggestion indicative of a want of good policy as well as of true patriotism. President Adams had made every reasonable and proper effort for adjusting these difficulties. But the British chose their own peculiar policy, or not treat at all. No one was more desirous of treating on the subject of commercial intercourse with foreign nations, on terms of reciprocity, than Mr. Adams.

+ The commissioners by whom this treaty was formed, had been appointed by the President in 1829, without consent or knowledge of the Senate ; nor was the Senate's consent asked at the next following session. This was a singular proceeding; for in all cases, a mission on a new subject, had not been made by the President without consulting the Senate. Mr. Tazewell, of Virginia, severely censured the President for this act ; and opposed the bill for allowing a salary to the commissioners. He said the act was unconstitutional, a flagrant derogation of the rights of the Senate; and ought not to be passed over by the Senate without express condemnation.

Mr. Rives, of Virginia, was then the minister of the United States to France; whose ability and attention the President acknowledged to be highly satisfactory.

intercourse between the two countries: new efforts were made for bringing the subject of the boundary between the United States, and the British possessions adjoining, to a final termination, by submitting the question to the arbitration of a Prince, friendly to the two nations, and laying before him all the evidences in the case; and a hope was confidently entertained, that his opinion and decision would soon be known. The misunderstanding with the republic of Mexico promised to be removed, as the jealousies of that government towards the United States had in a great measure been obviated, by the explanations which had been then recently offered-measures had also been adopted for preserving tranquillity on the borders of the United States and that republic. The financial affairs of the government continued in a prosperous condition; the expenditures being less than fourteen millions of dollars, exclusive of the amount appropriated for paying the annual instalment of the public debt, which was eleven millions; and the receipts into the treasury, exceeding twenty-four millions; a large portion of which accrued from the sales of land belonging to the United States.

In the address of the President, at this time, he expressed his views at some length of the powers of the federal and State governments, and of the importance of avoiding all encroachments of each on the other. He had given similar opinions before, and they had an influence in leading him to object to bills for appropriating the public funds to most works for internal improvements. For unless of a manifestly general and national benefit, they would be unequal, and inevitably give occasion for complaints from some parts of the Union. He considered it of vital importance (( to the Union to sustain the State sovereignties, as far as consistent with the rightful action of the federal government, and of preserving the highest attainable harmony between them." The opinion was again expressed of the propriety of limiting the office of President to one term, and that for four or six years. And the entire independence of the legislative and executive departments of the government, of each other, was strongly urged, as necessary to the general welfare. But the doctrine, as it appeared to be understood by the President, was disapproved by a great portion of the people; and it was believed that the executive was but the organ or agent of the legislature, in most cases, designed to carry into effect the laws enacted by the Representatives of the people. In some respects, indeed, the chief magistrate is independent of the other branches of

the government; but not to the extent supposed and claimed by General Jackson.

In this message the President again referred to the condition of the aboriginal tribes of the country; and gave his unqualified testimony to "the benevolent policy" of the federal government from its origin towards these uncivilized people. He repeated the opinion, which he had before given, in favor of their removal to a territory entirely exclusive of the settlements of the white population. It had been the desire of the government, as he said, for thirty years, to effect their settlement far west of the Mississippi, and separate from any State or territorial district of the United States; but nothing like compulsion had been previously used to effect the object. This conduct was alike humane and just towards the native tribes, and favorable to the settlement and peace of the States where they had resided. It was justly a matter of complaint only when these tribes were absolutely ordered to remove, and threatened with the displeasure of the government if they did not speedily consent to depart from the lands formerly occupied by their ancestors. The President avowed his friendly regards for the native tribes of Indians; and no one could justly doubt the sincerity of his professions; while his winking at the strong measures of some of the southern States, where they then resided, to force them to remove, subjected him to censure in other parts of the country.

The strong opposition to the high tariff of duties on many imported articles, which was adopted in 1828, and was designed to encourage domestic manufactures, induced the President to refer again to the subject on this occasion. He expressed an opinion favorable to the protective policy, as necessary to the prosperity of the United States: but suggested the importance of some modification in the law, passed two years before, to reconcile it to the views of the people in the non-manufacturing States. He was aware of the difficulty of accomplishing this desirable object. His immediate predecessor had expressed a similar opinion, in 1828; and suggested some modification for the purpose of rendering the operation of the tariff of that period more equal and satisfactory to all classes of citizens, and to all parts of the Union. No act was passed, however, either in 1829, or 1830, for modifying or altering the law of 1828.

President Jackson, early discovered his disapprobation of the Bank of the United States. He had doubts of the constitutional power of Congress to incorporate such a company and he expressed an apprehension of its mis