the national debt; but particular efforts were made by the administration to pay as large an amount of it as possible. The public deposites were appropriated for this purpose, which caused considerable pressure in the monetary concerns of the country. "And it was apprehended," the President said in his annual message to Congress, "that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks, in which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money market, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on bank accommodation. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury; aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the bank of the United States."*

The wise management of the fiscal concerns of the government, under former administrations, was recognized by President Jackson, in his public address to the national legislature, at this time. "The state of the finances, exhibits the resources of the nation, in an aspect highly flattering to its industry, and indicative of the ability of government, in a short period, to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be done, our population will be relieved from a considerable portion of its present burthens; and will find, not only new motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individual enterprize. The fiscal powers of the several States will also be increased, and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects; while ample means will remain in the federal government to promote the general weal, in all the modes permitted to its authority."

The attention of Congress was at this time called, by the President, to the consideration of the disposal of the surplus revenue, after the extinguishment of the national debt, which would probably be in eight years. He deemed it prudent to prepare for such distribution before that event occurred. And one great inducement with him to recommend the distribution of the surplus revenue, on the payment of the public debt, was, that it would be more proper for the individual States to make appropriations according to their own views, than for the general government. For, like some of his predecessors, he had doubts of the constitutional authority of Congress to expend the funds of the nation for internal improvements.

* At this period, it appears that the President had a favorable opinion of the bank of the United States. The government then held stock in that bank, to the amount of seven millions of dollars.

In this first message of President Jackson to Congress, giving his views of the fiscal concerns of the government, he refers to the various instances of default in disbursing officers for several years preceding; and invites the consideration of the federal legislature to the subject, with a view to their providing more effectual preventives of similar evils in future. Similar suggestions had been made to Congress by President Monroe, and President Adams; by whose recommendations laws were passed more carefully to guard the public money in the hands of receiving agents, by requiring frequent statements from them, and prompt settlement of accounts at short periods, fines, and removals from office. But all these guards proved ineffectual, and the losses sustained by the government still occurred every year to a large amount. The laws appeared to be sufficient, on this subject; and the frequency of these defalcations were probably owing, in part, to the want of energy and fidelity in the higher officers of government, whose duty it was to examine into the conduct of subordinate agents, who were receivers of the public money; and to punish or promptly remove the delinquents, and to exact pay of their bondsmen.

President Jackson's views and professions on this subject. were correct and proper; but, from a want of due care in some of the principal officers in the executive department, during his administration, defaulters were more numerous than they had been at any former period. The delinquents were kept in office, in many cases, long after their defaults were manifest, either from a desire not to make those enemies to the administration who had been its friends and supporters; or from too great lenity in the superior officers whose duty it was to bring the defaulters to just punishment. The President recommended a discharge or a remission of the debt from public agents who were delinquents unconvicted of fraud. His motives might have been generous and humane; but in all financial concerns of a public nature, the careless and extravagant agent of government, should be held to a strict accountability. His motives cannot be known. Nothing but evident accident, entirely beyond his control, should be an apology sufficient to save him from public punishment. The experience of many centuries, in the nations of Europe, fully proves the necessity of severity or strictness towards all who are employed in receiving and disbursing the funds of govern

ment.

The President did not omit to refer to the condition of

the Indian tribes in the United States, and especially to those within the limits of a particular State. He was in favor of the plan of their removal, similar to that proposed by the Secretary of War, in the administration of President Adams. He felt the difficulty of deciding as to the proper and just treatment of them by the general government. He professed a desire for their welfare, for the support of their rights, and for their improvement in the arts of civilized life: and in these respects, did not differ in opinion from the former federal executives. But his views were different from theirs, as to the authority of the State governments over them, within whose limits they resided. His opinion of State rights was such as to lead him to the conclusion, that the Indians must submit to the jurisdiction and laws of the State where they lived; whereas the doctrine of most other statesmen was that they were to enjoy their own customs and regulations, subject only to the government of the United States; thus excluding all authority in an individual State to control or interfere with them. The States of Georgia and Alabama, had previously set up a claim to govern the Indian tribes, within their respective limits, in all cases: and they also demanded of Congress the removal of the tribes to some distant territory.

Former administrations had also been desirous of their removal, if they could be persuaded to do so; but had not admitted a right in a State to interfere with their municipal concerns, nor to compel their submission to its laws. And hence the previous dispute between the State of Georgia and the United States. President Jackson seems not at that time to have been in favor of any compulsion for their removal; but was inclined to admit the right of a State, where they were situated, to extend its jurisdiction over them. But the measures adopted afterwards, during his administration, to induce their removal, were by many deemed unjustifiable, and was a matter of great complaint against him.

By an act of Congress of May, 1830, provision was made for reviving and opening the direct trade with the British ports in the West India islands; which had long been prevented by the measures of the British government. The terms proposed in this act of Congress were accepted by the British administration, after having put their own construction on them; which the English minister said were somewhat obscure, and which he interpreted in a manner most favorable to his nation: and the American minister and administration, were desirous perhaps of having the

honor of negotiating successfully on the subject, which for many years could not be favorably adjusted by the preceding administrations. But the British ministry availed themselves of the obscurity in the act of Congress, and thus derived great commercial advantages from it, while the navigation of the United States received very little benefit under its operation.

The ports in the West Indies were, indeed, opened to vessels of the United States, with their products, on terms of reciprocity; but the same privilege was not secured for the trade with the British colonies in the north and northeast parts of the United States. And the consequence was, that the British enjoyed almost the entire carrying trade between. those colonies and the ports of the American States. The trade with the islands was not so profitable as formerly, and gave much less employment to American navigation. The vessels from the British northern provinces and ports had free access to the United States on favorable terms, which the vessels of this country did not enjoy in visiting those colonies. On the approbation of the act of Congress, by the British ministry being declared, and their consent to its proposals, when construed as they chose, officially made known to the federal administration, the President issued a proclamation, in October, 1830, declaring the terms of the act of Congress to have been accepted by the British government as to the West India ports, and therefore that the ports of the United States were opened to British vessels from those islands: and declaring further, the admission of British vessels from the northern provinces, but without stating the terms on which they were to be admitted. This course of the administration was not approved by the mercantile portion of the community; and was generally considered to be unfavorable to the commercial prosperity of the United States, as yielding too much to the interests of Great Britain.

By the statement of the President, respecting the Post Office department, at this time, it appeared to have been conducted with great intelligence and fidelity. "The report of the Post Master General," he said, "was highly satisfactory. Abuses had been reformed, its revenue improved; and the

The act of Congress referred to the British ports in the West Indies, and stated the terms on which the ports in the United States were to be opened to British vessels from those places. But did not extend these conditions to the north and northeast provinces of Great Britain. The trade to and with the latter remained as formerly regulated.

mail transported with increased expedition."* The administration of this department was attended with many dif ficulties. There were constant requests for new routes for conveying the public mail. Every village in the Union, however small, and every new settlement, petitioned for the privilege of a Post Office: and many of them did not afford business sufficient to compensate the carriers. But it was deemed important, that every facility should be afforded for the circulation of newspapers and other publications, for the information of all classes of the people. The affairs of this useful department were not so skilfully nor so fortunately managed afterwards; whether from want of competency or attention does not appear: but it soon fell into a state of embarrassment; and the expenses of the department, in 1833, far exceeded its income.

As had been done by his predecessor, the President at this time recommended a revision of the judiciary system, for the purpose of extending equal privileges, resulting from that department of the government, to the citizens in the new, with those in the original States. Several States had then been formed in the Union, within twelve years; but the federal courts were held less frequently and in fewer places, in these new States, compared to the extent of territory, than in the old States. The subject had been under consideration in Congress at several previous sessions; but from a diversity of opinion, as to the number of additional justices, and the places of holding the courts, nothing had been decided.

The President referred in this message to the Bank of the United States, although its charter would not expire for more than six years. He said, "that both the constitutionality and the expediency of the bank were questioned by a large portion of the people :" and also expressed his own opinion, "that it had failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency." He probably had reference to the people in the interior, and not in the States where they were concerned in commerce and navigation; for the merchants and others, in the Atlantic States, were generally in favor of that bank; and they also fully believed that it did much to sustain a sound and uniform currency through the Union; which could not be supported without it.

If a similar monied institution were necessary, the President was of opinion, that one wholly of a national charac

* John McLean of Ohio, was then at the head of the Post Office department; but was soon after appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.