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Great changes were made by President Jackson, soon after he came into power, in the public agents and officers of government, of all classes and grades: in the cabinet, in the department of diplomacy, and in all subordinate stations. It was expected that the members of the cabinet would be selected from among his political and personal friends; and that such also would, in most instances, be appointed to office, where there were then vacancies, or as they should occasionally occur. But in a great number of cases, within one year, removals from office were made solely on account of political opinions, or to reward the devoted friends of the President. Among others, William H. Herrison, then minister to the republic of Columbia, by appointment of President Adams, a short time before, was recalled, for the purpose of giving office to a personal friend of the President, believed to be inferior in talents, experience, and public service, to that able and faithful patriot.

These numerous removals from office of capable and upright men, indicated a spirit of political intolerance, entirely unjustifiable, if abstractly considered, and inconsistent with the professed opinions of the President, at a former period. He yielded too much to the representations and solicitations of selfish individuals, who sought their own emolument, with little regard to the public welfare. This narrow policy was not, indeeed, entirely new under the Jackson dynasty. Mr. Jefferson introduced it when he was chief magistrate of the Union. Not, indeed, to the extent in which it was practised by President Jackson; but the principle was the same. And it was surprising in Mr. Jefferson, who possessed enlarged and philosophical views, and who admitted, that, with some differences of political opinions, "the citizens were all "federalists and all were republicans." In some of the States also, at a period subsequent to the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the governors imitated this intolerant and persecuting spirit; and many faithful and capable. public officers were deprived of their places, merely because they did not belong to the dominant party. Those who had acquiesced in this mistaken policy, in the time of President Jefferson, and under the governors of some of the States, or who had refrained from expressing their disapprobation of it, were now found to be the loudest in their complaints, and most ready to express their reprobation of such an abuse of power.

The President's views expressed in this message to Congress, were truly republican; but his political opponents had cause to complain, that his official conduct was not

always in accordance with his professions. "There are, perhaps," he said, "few men who can, for a great length of time, enjoy office and power, without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves; but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests, and of tolerating conduct, from which an unpractised man would revolt. Office is too apt to be considered as a species of property; and government rather as a means of promoting individual interests, than as an instrument created solely for the benefit of the people. Corruption in some, and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles, divert government from its legitimate ends; and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many.The duties of all public officers are, or admit of being made so plain and simple, that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance: and I cannot but think that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office, than is generally to be gained by their experience." A recommendation was made by the President to have the commission of most public officers for the term only of four years, as was before provided by law, with respect to those who are receivers of the public monies. It would have been happy for the government and for the people, if such regulation always existed; and if it were strictly enforced. Many millions would have been saved by the nation, during the administration of President Jackson, had the regulation been faithfully observed and enforced. In an extensive country like the United States, where there is a necessity for a great number of public agents, there will be numerous defalcations and embezzlements, except a strict and prompt accountability is required and maintained.

The following paragraphs from the President's message to Congress at this time, will show the state of the public finances and revenue, and the resources of the country, as they were apprehended by his mind; but they were not materially different from the statement made by his predecessor the year before.

"No considerable change has occurred, during the recess of Congress, in the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former, nor so beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished; while domestic

competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no reason to doubt.

"To regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of government; and it may be regretted, that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations, could not, by common consent, be abolished; and commerce be allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations; and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. With these impressions, the attention of Congress is invited to the existing tariff, in the belief that some of its provisions require modification.

"The general rule to be applied, in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point, are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it appears important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation, with regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss.

"In deliberating therefore, on these interesting subjects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day, must prove injurious, and ought to be discountenanced. Our action on these subjects should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation, subject to such influences, can never be just; and will not long retain the sanction of the people, whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance, which gave life to

our political compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, the North, the South, the East, and the West, should unite in diminishing any burthen, of which either may justly complain.

"The agricultural interests of our country are so essentially connected with every other, and so superior in importance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite your particular attention to it. It is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions, and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the fostering care of government."

The views of President Jackson here expressed, do not differ materially from those of his predecessors on these subjects. But while all concurred in attaching importance to agriculture, and in recommending its interests to the fostering care of Congress, there was very little direct legislation for securing the prosperity, and improving the condition of that great branch of national wealth. The natural and common doctrine of leaving each department of industry and enterprise to take care of itself, as inclination and profit dictate, seems to have been adopted with respect to agricultural pursuits; while particular laws have been passed, at various periods of the government, for the protection of commerce and manufactures. Commerce has received the favor of government indeed, for its great contributions to the public revenue; and it would be most unwise and unjust, to withhold from it the protection it receives. In a young and growing country like the United States, it would have been impolitic also, to refuse all encouragement to manufactures. The principal objection to the tariff of 1824 and of 1828, was that too much encouragement was given to manufacturers, and that they received a degree of public patronage far exceeding that granted to any other class of citizens. With an enlightened politician, the great questions would be, What measure of protection can impartially and justly be granted to any particular branch of industry? And how will such patronage affect the revenue and the finances of the government? President Jackson was censured by a portion of the community, as an enemy to domestic manufactures, because he doubted the policy of the tariff of 1828, and recommended a revision of it, as it was unequal and oppressive in its operation in some parts of the Union. But he did not disapprove of the policy of affording a reasonable encouragement to domestic industry; nor did he, in his public communications to Congress, differ

essentially from the opinions expressed by his immediate predecessor, on the subject, particularly in his last annual message to the national legislature.

The question of granting special encouragement to manufactures in the United States, at this period, and for some years previously, was one of great excitement throughout the Union. The manufacturers solicited and demanded a greater measure of aid from the government, than was deemed proper by many to afford. The protection first granted in 1816, met with very general approbation. But the law of 1824, which imposed higher duties on cotton and woollen goods, expressly for the benefit of manufactures, even at the hazard of a great diminution of the revenue; and that of 1828, raising the duties still higher in some cases; were opposed by a large portion of the people, through the United States; and in some States was denounced as unjust and even unconstitutional. The more intelligent and experienced statesmen were in favor of the patronage of the general government towards manufacturers, so far as might be effected by regulations operating equally in all sections of the country; as should not bring any detriment to commerce and navigation; and as should not induce too great a part of the people to neglect agriculture, and engage in manufactures, from the expectation of enjoying the peculiar favor and patronage of government.

A strong desire was expressed by the President for effecting the payment of the national debt with all possible promptitude. He recommended such an annual payment, as that the whole might be extinguished in the term of eight years. But this was not a new policy, nor a plan peculiar to him, A system had been established ten years before, in the presidency of Mr. Monroe, for reducing the public debt of the United States in the sum of ten millions annually. Mr. Adams adopted the same policy; and in the course of eight years about one half of the debt had been discharged. Pursuing a similar course, the present administration might justly be expected to pay the whole which remained, besides liberal expenditures for all important, national purposes.

Notwithstanding the high duties imposed by the law of 1828, on several kinds of imported goods, the revenue had increased in 1829, to a large amount: owing in part however, to extensive sales of the public lands. For at this period the purchasers of lands in the west and northwest, belonging to the United States, had greatly increased. With these means, twelve millions of dollars were paid of

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