tentiaries of the two governments in September last. It will be submitted with the others to the consideration of the Senate." The President manifested a strong desire, that the disputes in reference to this subject, might be amicably and speedily adjusted; and expressed a disposition on his part to adopt all proper measures to attain so desirable an object. Difficulties had then recently occurred on the northeast borders of the United States, and a serious collision threatened between the people of Maine and of New Brunswick though it had been previously understood, "that no exercise of exclusive jurisdiction, by either party, while the negotiation was pending, should change the state of the question of right to be definitively settled."

The President very feelingly regretted that the British government had declined all negotiations on the subject of the trade with their colonial possessions in America; believing that the difficulties would be better removed, in that way, than by legislation. This trade, if regulated on principles of a just and liberal policy, would be highly beneficial to the United States. And while he refrained from imputing the course pursued by the British government to direct hostile views, he justly considered it as showing a less friendly and generous spirit than he had anticipated. Neither of the bills before the Senate or House of Representatives, at the preceding session of Congress, it appeared, would have given full satisfaction to the Court of England. They were evidently disposed to enjoy the whole trade to and from their American colonies. and ports; and seized on every possible pretence for avoiding definite and mutually favorable regulations on the subject.

In referring to the relations of the United States with France, the President spoke of the early and important influence exerted by the French king and people in favor of the liberties of America. "The origin of the political relations between the two nations," he said, 66 was co-eval with the first year of our Independence. The memory of it is interwoven with that of our arduous struggle for national existence. Weakened as it has occasionally been since that time, it can by us never be forgotten; and we should hail with exultation the moment which should indicate a recollection, equally friendly in spirit, on the part of France." Fresh efforts had then been made by the President, to obtain a just consideration of the claims of American citizens for reparation of wrongs, many years before committed by the subjects or rulers of that nation.

A reference of the subject had been recently proposed, by the President's direction, to a sovereign, friendly both to France and the United States. And he expressed the opinion that the proposal would not be declined by the French government.

A large portion of these claims, the French government admitted to be founded in equity and justice. Even the late Emperor, by whose orders the depredations had been committed, could not deny the justice of making some reparation and the kings of the Bourbon family, Louis XVIII. and Charles X. who were restored to the throne of France, on the downfall of Napoleon, had long promised indemnity. But they were weak princes; the nation was exhausted by expensive and distressing wars; and the subject of indemnity, as demanded by the United States, was not popular with the people of France. They were unwilling to pay for the wrongs done by Napoleon. Nothing had been obtained but fair promises of the French government; though the claim had been often pressed upon the consideration of the Court of Versailles, with much earnestness and ability: and by no administration with more urgency than while Mr. Adams was President.

The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and foreign governments, had been increasing for several years, and their relations were now mutually friendly. The President announced, at this time, the formation of a new treaty with Sweden, to perpetuate amity, and to regulate commerce and navigation between the two nations: a recent disposition in the Hanseatic republics had been shown, to strengthen and confirm their intercourse with the United States, by sending a minister to reside at the seat of the federal government, which was met with promptness and cordiality by the President. The desire of the new Emperor of Russia, to be on terms of friendship with the United States, was also manifested by the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary to the government of the American Union. A prospect was thus presented to the country of a long period of national peace and prosperity; and was a just occasion for gratulation and thankfulness among all classes of citizens.

In this public message, the President alluded to the existing condition of the new republics in South America; and informed Congress of the failure of the individual States represented in the grand meeting at Panama, to confirm the propositions adopted by that Convention, for a union of measures and action in defence of their liberty,

and for establishing efficient governments; and of extensive divisions among them, which predicted unfavorable results to the cause of civil freedom in that part of America. It had never been the intention of the federal government to interfere with the republics of Central and South America, any farther than to maintain a friendly connection, or understanding, and to prepare for maintaining trade with them, which should be beneficial to both parties. One of the public envoys of the United States sent to South America had then already returned; and the other was directed to remain in Mexico, "in the discharge of ordinary duties, with authority to attend the conferences of the Congress of Panama, whenever they should be resumed."

The internal affairs of the United States indicated an uncommon measure of tranquillity and prosperity. The apprehensions of difficulty with the State of Georgia, arising from disputes about the lands in that State, occupied by the Indians, had subsided; though the claims of that State were not withdrawn. With some Indian tribes, in the western part of the country, disputes had indeed arisen relating to certain tracts of land, which it was believed the government had fairly purchased, and their conduct threatened hostilities towards the United States; but "the presence of a portion of the regular troops soon dispelled the alarms of the people in that quarter, and overawed the hostile purposes of the Indians." Some murders were committed by them, but they surrendered the perpetrators to the authority of the federal government, and a good understanding followed.

The national income, from imposts and the sale of public lands, was fully adequate to all the exigencies of the government. The public expenditures, for 1826 and 1827, had been to a large amount;* but they were made in fulfilment of acts of Congress for Indian annuities, for former purchases of their lands, for extensive repairs of fortifications on the seacoasts, and for pensions to the veterans of

*It appears by Pitkin's statistics, that the expenditures in 1817, were $40,870,000, and the receipts $33,830,000. In 1818, the expenditures were $35,100,000, and the receipts $21,600,000. In 1819, the expenditures were $24,000,000 and the receipts $24,600,000. In 1820, the expenditures were $21,763,000, and the receipts $20,880,000. In 1821. the expenditures were $19,090,000, and the receipts $19,573,000. In 1822, the expenditures were $17,676,000, and the receipts $20,232,000. In 1823, the expenditures $15,314,000, and receipts 20,540,000. In 1824, the expenditures $31,898,000, and receipts $24,381,000. In 1825, the expenditures $23,580,000, and the receipts $26,840,000. In 1826, the expenditures $24,103,000, and the receipts $26,260,000.

the Revolution; beside the sums necessary for the civil list, for interest on the public debt, annual instalments thereof, maintenance of the army and navy, and an increase of the latter.

According to the statement made to Congress in the message of the President, the receipts in the treasury, in 1827, amounted to twenty-two millions nine hundred and sixty thousand dollars, and the expenditures were estimated at twenty-two millions five hundred thousand dollars. Upwards of six millions of the latter, was for a discharge of a part of the national debt; and thus reducing it to sixty-seven millions and a half; being only a moiety of what it was in 1817. With a view to the entire discharge of the public debt of the nation, a subject of deep solicitude with the people, the President recommended the strictest economy in the application of the public funds; and observed "that it was most important always to keep the expenditures of the year within the limits of its receipts."*

The greater portion of those who had opposed the election of President Adams, in 1824, continued their opposition during the whole term of his administration, while others "who judged him by his measures," approved of his general political conduct. Every possible objection was made to his course; and the power of party prejudice was manifested while he was Chief Magistrate of the nation. Particularly, it was objected, that the public expenditures were much greater than in former years, and that he was alike extravagant and visionary in his plans. An unhappy prejudice was thus created or strengthened against him as a politician; but with no just cause for the charge. His views on the question of internal improvements were not agreeable to such as wished to confine the federal government to legislate on subjects granted by the Constitution: but no one could justly accuse him of ever employing the means of corruption, or of incurring expenses to the government for the purposes of patronage; and no one ever doubted the sincerity or ardor of his patriotism.

In 1824, Congress passed a law authorizing surveys for canals and roads, which might be for the improvement of the country, and facilitate the intercourse between distant parts of the Union. And it was at the discretion of the

* In 1827, the expenditures were less than the receipts only in about $500,000. In 1828 and 1829, the expenditures exceeded the receipts by $400,000. In 1830, the expenditures and receipts were very nearly of same amount. In 1831, the expenditures were greater than the receipts by nearly $2,000,000; and in 1832, by nearly $3,000,000.

executive, that such surveys were to be made.* President Adams, being in favor of internal improvements at the expense of the federal government, ordered various surveys during the year 1825 and 1826. The reports made to him by the surveyors were communicated to Congress at this and the preceding session; and serve to show his readiness to carry into full effect the power granted him by the national legislature. They were the following:-relating to the Chesapeake and Ohio canal-the continuance of the great national road from Cumberland to the waters within the District of Columbia-the continuation of that road from Canton, (Ohio,) to Zanesville, the location of the national road from Zanesville to Columbus, (Ohio,)—the continuation of the same to the seat of government in Missouri, a post road from Baltimore to Philadelphia,—a survey, in part, of Kennebec river, a national road from Washington to Buffalo,-a canal from lake Ponchartrain to the river Mississippi: Surveys at Edgartown, Hayannis harbor, and Newburyport-of La Plaisance bay, in the territory of Michigan, the Peninsula of Florida, with the view to a canal to connect the waters of the Atlantic with the Gulf of Mexico, and also between the bays of Mobile and of Pensacola,-for a canal, to connect the waters of James and Great Kenhawa rivers-of the Swash in Pamlico sound, and that of Cape Fear, below Wilmington, in North Carolina. The views of the President were further developed by his observations in connection with these reports" all the officers of the two engineer corps, with several others duly qualified, have been constantly employed in these services, from the passing of the act of April, 1824, to this time. And were no other advantage to accrue to the country, from their labors, than the fund of topographical knowledge which they have collected and communicated, that alone would have been a profit to the Union, more than adequate to all the expenditures which have been devoted to the object; but the appropriation for the repair and continuation of the Cumberland road, for the construction of various other roads, for the removal of obstructions from the rivers and harbors, for the erection of lighthouses, beacons, piers, and buoys, and for the completion of canals, undertaken by individual associa

* The act gave him power "to cause surveys, plans, and estimates to be made of the routes of such roads and canals as he might deem of national importance, in a military or commercial point of view, or necessary for the transportation of the public mail."