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Eaton, expended

In 1829-30-31

In 1826-7-8

War Department, which was managed by Gen. ment to Charleston, S. Carolina, Savannah, and Pensacola? Why not embrace the whole 17,855,238 47 seaboard? Gen. Jackson may have expended 15,439,187 87 more at those three points; and Mr. Adams may have expended more than Gen. Jackson in some 2,416,050 60 other quarter of the Union, which I believe is expenditure, the fact; for I have made a comparison, from the documents before me, of the whole expenditure for fortifications during the three last years of Mr. Adams, and the three first of Gen. Jackson, and find the results to be

Balance against Gen. Jackson

To account for this excess of the Register says:

Paid by Gen. Jackson during the
years 1829-30-31 more than
than was paid during 1826-7-8
by Mr. Adams, for arsenals
For armament of new fortifications
The act requiring a subscription

of one million of dollars to the
Chesapeake and Ohio canal,
passed during Mr. Adams' ad-
ministration, but only 75,000
were subscribed. Since Gen.
Jackson came in, 475,000 have
been subscribed, making an ex-
cess of the expenditure, on this
account, over the last adminis-
tration, of

The Delaware breakwater had been commenced under Mr. Adams' administration,but only 6,000 expended upon it through the Navy Department. Since Gen. Jackson came in, 7,873 have been expended upon it through the Navy Department, and through the War Depart

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For do. at Savannah For do. at Pensacola For improving the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, there have been paid by Gen. Jackson more than by Mr. Adams Congress allowed the Massachusetts militia claims, since Gen. # Jackson came into office, and on that account there have been paid For arrearages of expenditure in the Indian Department, increas. ed under Mr. Adams' administration beyond the appropria. tions made by Congress, for which there have been appropriated and paid under Gen. Jackson

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2,238,834 00

2,017,025 50

221,808 50

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Balance in favor of Gov. Branch 1,716,093 58 So that allowing every item claimed by the Register to be true, after correcting the error in fortifications, and allowing Mr. Adams for 587,158 50 items to which he is entitled, a balance still appears, from his own showing, against the present administration of 921,866 71. To this may be added the militia claim of Georgia, paid by Mr. Adams, 100,600. But I think I have 113,531 00 shown enough to satisfy any reasonable mind, 97,971 95 that my calculation of expenditures is correct; 327,000 00 and that the statement published with the address of the Harrodsburgh Jackson Convention is deceptive, and prepared to deceive the people.

173,442 00

Now let us compare the practice of General Jackson with his theory. In relation to the propriety of appointing members of Congress to office, an amendment of the Constitution, restricting their appointment, was once consider419,748 26 ed by General Jackson and his friends, of vital importance: The following is an extract from the letter of General Jackson to the legislature of Tennessee, on the subject. "I would im. pose a provision rendering any member of Congress ineligible to office under the General Government, during the term for which he was elected, and for two years thereafter, except 60,989 60 in case of judicial office, and these I would ex. cept, for the reason that vacancies in this department are not frequent occurrences, and be206,307 28 cause no barrier should be interposed in selecting, to the bench, men of the first talents and [2,606,018 92 integrity. The effect of such a constitutional The latter statement is not only partially de-provision is obvious. By it, Congress, in a ceptive, but erroneous. If a fair comparison considerable degree, would be free from that had been intended, why did he not give the connection with the Executive department, full expenditures for fortifications under each which at present gives strong ground of appre administration, instead of confining his state-hension and jealousy, on the part of the peo

For exchange of lands, and removal of Indians beyond the Mississippi,

Total,

ple. Members, instead of being liable to be the first officer of the Government should prewithdrawn from legislating on the great inte- serve, at least, an apparent consistency. From rests of the nation, through prospects of Ex all which, it really does appear that he has not ecutive patronage, would be more liberally only vetoed every appropriation to the State, but confided in by their constituents, while their vetoed every principle upon which Kentuckians vigilance would be less interrupted by party once gave him their support. feelings and party excitements. Calculations The conduct of Mr. Adams, in sending from intrigue or management would fail; nor ministers to Panama, without their office having would their deliberations, or their investiga- been created by Congress, was condemned by tion of subjects, consume so much time. But if the friends of Gen. Jackson, as anti-republican; this change in the Constitution should not be yet, Gen. Jackson himself sent commissioners obtained, and important appointments continue to form a commercial treaty with the Sublime to devolve on the representatives in Congress, Porte, without the advice and consent of the it requires no depth of thought to be convinced Senate. These are inconsistencies in General that corruption will become the order of the Jackson's administration, which charity my be day, and that, under the garb of conscientious disposed to excuse, but which honest adion sacrifices to establish precedents for the public never can reconcile. good, evils of serious importance to the free- Instead of retrenchment and reform, which dom and prosperity of the republic, may arise. were the watchwords of the party that brought It is through this channel that the people may this administration into power, what has been the expect to be attacked in their constitutional re-ult? A former committee had reported there sovereignty, and where tyranny may well be was an unnecessary number of public officers; apprehended to spring up in some favorable and, after the election of Gen. Jackson, appliemergency. Against such inroads every guard cation was made to the various Departments, te ought to be interposed, and none better occurs show how far the system of retrenchment could than that of closing the suspected avenue with be adopted. When, wonderful to tell, Mr. some necessary, constitutional restriction. It Van Buren, then Secretary of State, could not is due to myself to practice upon the maxims now dispense with any of his clerks, without recommended to others."

Yet, notwithstanding the principle here avow ed, General Jackson has vetoed its policy, and appointed more members of Congress to office, than ever did any of his predecessors.

detriment to the public service; and, so far from adopting a measure of reform, he recom mended, in a communication to the Committee on Foreign Relations, the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of an Assistant SeAn act passed the last session of Congress, cretary of State. The Postmaster General re(see acts of Congress of last session, p. 134,) quested the appointment of an additional Assiswhich was approved and signed by the Presi- tant Postmaster. A Solicitor of the Treasury has dent, making appropriations of more than Oxs been appointed, with a salary of $3,500 per MILLION OF DOLLARS for purposes of internal year. In March, 1829, the number of Custom improvements: among other items therein, we House officers amounted to 1167; at the present find: For removing obstructions in the Ber-time, they amount to 1509. So much for wich Branch of the Piscataqua river. $350. For reform in this service.

improving Cape Fear river, below Wilmington,| The payment of the three per cent, stocks, N. C. twenty-eight thousand dollars. For the 13,000,000 dollars, which is chiefly owned by improvment of the navigation of the Cumberland foreigners, and which was to be redeemed at river, (Tennessee) thirty thousand dollars! But the pleasure of the Government, is a measure what appropriation to Kentucky has he yet of particular interest with this administration, sanctioned' He vetoed the appropriation to the although its consequences at this particular Maysville road; he vetoed an appropriation to crisis must be truly fatal to the country; for, the Portland canal, at Louisville. At the last when paid, it will either leave the United States, session of Congress, a bill passed, making a or be vested in other stock which will produce small appropriation to improve the navigation at least six per cent. to its owners--thereby of the Kentucky river, and was sent to the Pre increasing this foreign influence one hundred sident: this appropriation, like all others to per cent. upon the country. But it injures the Kentucky, failed to receive the approbation or Government in a pecuniary point of view. The signature of the President. His veto of the Bank of the United States agreed to pay the Maysville road bill, I did believe to be based on 3 per cent. for the use of the money, rather correct principles, and sustained it accordingly, than be compelled to distress the untry by But when I discover the President granting an calling in its loans to the amount of 13,000,000 appropriation to the Berwick Branch of the Pis- dollars. It will be remembered that the United cataqua river, and refusing a similar appropria-States own one-fifth of the stock of that bank; tion to the Kentucky river, a stream of infinite- and had the bank been permitted to retain the ly more importance, can I justify the President, money, it would have produced six per cent. or believe his conduct to be governed by prin- which would have paid the interest to the ciple? If an appropriation is unconstitutional holders of the three per cent. stock, and left to the latter object, is it not equally uncon three per cent. in favor of the bank; to onestitutional to the former? And whatever feel- fifth of which the Government of the United ings he may entertain towards Kentucky as States would be entitled, amounting to 74,000 State, in the discharge of his executive duties, dollars per annum. And can it be eantended

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that 74,0 0 dollars per year to the Government From the above extract it will be perceived is not worth saving? I cannot pretend to say that the course pursued by Mr. Canning, on the how far those who understand the policy, and subject of the colonial trade, was condemned by have the confidence of the Executive, have Van Buren; and when he stated, that in the colli. been engaged in speculating in the 3 per cent. sion which may arise between the United States stock. His extreme solicitude to extinguish and a foreign power, IT IS OUR DUTY TO ti e demand, is not calculated to leave the mind PRESENT AN UNBROKEN FRONT,' he free from suspicion. But, to the influence spoke the sentiment of a patriot: but after his which Mr. Van Buren exercises over the action appointment as Secretary of State, he violates · of the President, may be ascribed the incon- this very principle, in his instructions to Mr. sistent and corrupt policy of the administration. McLane, our then minister to England, by Reared and educated in the same school of presenting us, to a foreign power, as a divided politics with Aaron Burr, the same policy is people, and, upon that division, predicating a pursued by him--the governing principle of his claim to the favor of a foreign government. action has always been a devotion to himself, The delivery of the above speech, which was without any regard to the interest of the intended as a feeler, not having effected country. During the last war, he acted with any promise of office from Mr. Adams--this the federal party in opposition to that war; and self made man, as styled by the President, made while a member of the New York legislature, a voyage of discovery to the south, to ascertain he was actively engaged in supporting, for the the probable result of throwing his influence presidency, De Witt Clinton, a federalist, in in the scale of Gen. Jackson; and becoming opposition to Mr. Madison, the regularly nomi- sensible of the popularity of the Hero, he, very nated republican candidate. Of this, there is cautiously, made it known, in the fall of 1827, no doubt; for I have now in my possession an that he was ready to enlist under the banner of extract from the journals, regularly certified by Gen. Jackson, but did nothing in the contest-the proper officer, containing his vote. De- the battle was fought and won by others; when feated in his effort to impose a federal adminis- he suddenly stepped into the political arena, tration on the country, he soon after came out a and claimed 'the spoils of victory. Aaron Burr flaming patriot, and joined the administration attempted, by intrigue, to divide the republican of Mr. Madison--when, as the reward of his party--Van Buren is engaged in a similar la conversion, he received an appointment, by bor. But in the proceedings of the Harrodswhich he was enabled to pocket, about $3,000 burg Jackson convention we find this resolufrom the public crib. In the contest for the tion: that in the person of our distinguished felpresidency, between Adams, Jackson, Clay, low-citizen, Martin Van Buren, we recognise, and Crawford, Mr. Van Buren was warmly a stern, unwavering, uncompromising republi enlisted in favor of the latter, and was parti. can. Well, this is a wrencher, and proves concularly abusive of Gen. Jackson; but, meeting with defeat here also, he professed to occupy a neutral position--occasionally, however, paying court to Mr. Adams, who had proved the successful candidate; and, in 1827, made a speech rather in favor of his adn.inistration, from which the following is an extract:

If we direct our attention to the ground which Mr. Canning has assumed, there can be, on this side of the Atlantic, no difference of opinion. It is indefensible in its principles, and unjust in its application.'

clusively that the convention was either stupidly ignorant of his political history, or designed as a criminal imposition on te people, whom they assumed to represent. Could they perceive no wavering' in his opposition to the late war? Could they recognise no censurable feature in his action with the federal party in opposition to Mr. Madison, when the whole patriotism of the country was struggling with a foreign despotism, for free trade and sailor's rights!' Did that convention recognise nothing but an unwavering republicanism in his former abuse of In a Government like ours, founded on free- Gen. Jackson himself? Or could they recogdom of thought and action, imposing no unne-nise no compromise,' in his resigning one cessary restraint, and calling into exercise the office with a salary of $6,000, to receive the Inghest energies of the mind, occasional differ-appointment of another office worth LIGHTEEN ences of opinion are not only to be expected but THOUSAND DOLLARS? The fact is, that his apto be desired. But this conflict of opinion pointment as minister to England was not only should be confined to subjects which concern worse than useless, but, under the circumstanourselves. In the collision which may arise ces, an insult to the American people: there between the United States and a foreign power, was no subject of negotiation between the two it is our duty to present an unbroken front. governments--England had no minister at our Dom suc differences, if they tend to give encouragement to unjust pretensions, should be extinguished or deferred; and the cause of our Governinent must be considered as the cause of our country.'

The humiliating spectacle of a foreign Government speculating for the advantage which it may derive from our dissensions, will, I trust, never again be the reproach of the American people.'-Reg. of Debates, Vol. III. p. 478.

court; and as evidence that we had no public business to transact at the court of St. James since the rejection of his treasury bantling, the President has omitted to make any nomination to fill the vacancy. The secret was, that the executive pet, Van Buren, was discovered enengaged in a very censurable intrigue, and exposed to the public, and the President deter ined as a kind of antidote to his wounded feelings, to give him a sugar plum of

EIGHTEEN THOUSAND DOLLARS. But develop the principles of its action: nor was it was all, self made,' for, although another I disposed to censures light offences. It is was nominally, he was, de facto, President--even, at present, extremely unpleasant! I have conferring the appointment. I believe the ex-been as much devoted prehaps to Gen. Jack. ecutive of the nation has ceased to be the man son, as any other person. I have yet individuhe once was, and that he is controlled by an in-ally a high regard for his person. But although fluence around him, irresponsible to the coun-I may love Cæsar much, I love my country try. And, I am sure, no candid man, who saw more! And consider it due to my representahim on his late visit through this district, but tive character, and the confidence which you, must have been forcibly impressed with the fellow-citizens, have reposed in me, to give you conviction that he has arrived to an age when this information, so far as my opportunity has human nature is susceptible of being imposed enabled me to ascertain, in relation to the true on by designing individuals. situation of this administration. And let the consequences be what they may. Had I conWhen the design of electing Van Buren the sulted my individual interest, I should have successor of Gen. Jackson was conceived by been active, even now, in the support of this the federal office holders, it became necessary administration. I knew its majority in this de for their purpose to attack the Senate of the trict, but, at the same time, I believed that my United States, and such members of Congress country had a claim paramont to any personal as would not submit to their impertinent dicta- devotion. I am told, that this exposition may tion, in order that any statement such repre- have a tendency to advance the interest of Mr. sentatives might make to their constituents, in Clay. Be it so. I believe the elevation of relation to the abuses in the administration, Martin Van Buren would have a greater and might lose its weight and influence. Hence it more direct tendency to destroy the republi was that the 'Globe,' the official organ, opened can principles of the government, than the ad a tirade of abuse upon all Senators and Repre-vancement of any man in the United States. sentatives who would not prostitute their inde- I have now, fellow citizens, discharged a dupendence, and their duty to the country, at the ty, which, however unpleasant to me, was due altar of Van Buren. His rejection was charged to the confidence and patriotism of a generous as a measure of opposition to the administra- people, who had sustained me in moments of tion and intended to disgrace the President. tempestuous difficulty. I am not unconscious With more propriety might it have been said, of the influence-proceeding from a knot of that the nomination was intended to disgrace office-holders about Washington, which has the Senate. Neither the President nor the of- been operating for months, in this district, to fice-holders around him had any rational calcula destroy the effect of this address. If they can tion that the nomination would be confirmed; destroy the confidence which should exist be they no doubt desired the rejection, that, upon tween the constituent and representat ve, the such a state of things, they might cry out, com-infamous object of their corruption will be acbination, proscription and persecution, before complished, and their frauds and speculations the country. For you will discover that his on the government go unpuinshed and unex claims to your confidence rest upon his having posed. But bad I shrunk from the responsi been rejected, and not upon any good he has bility of my representative character, and conever accomplished for the country, or any mea cealed from my constituents the condition of sure connected with our political institutions, their government, and the mode and manner of of sufficient prominence to furnish a recom- its administration, I should have been recreat mendation. to their trust, and a traitor to the principles Some of the newspapers have made me upon which I was elected. I know many of the subject of abuse, because I voted to rechar-my political friends, from a devotion to the past ter the Bank of the United States: that vote election. With many it is my peculiar regret services of Gen. Jackson, will vote for his rewas given in obedience' to the instructions of my constituents. I had the evidence in my that we have to separate! I have the prod possession, that at least two-thirds of this dis- consolation, however, to be advised that they trict were at that time in favor of rechartering litical principles. The present conflict of opacharge me with no violation of my former pothat institution. If they have since changed ion shall never interrupt the friendship which their opinion upon that subject, they will at has so long politically and personally existed least spare their censure of my having acted with duplicity. between us, the purest republicans may differ about men. The interruption is momentary: I know that I have never intentionally de-and they again unite upon great cardinal and ceived my constituents. If I have abandoned leading principles. any political principle, on which I was elected, I am unconscious of it. And because I con demned the abuses in Mr. Adams' administration, it is no reason why I should justify similar and more alarming abuses in Gen. Jackson's administration. It may be asked why I did not previously make this exposition. My reply is, that it requires time for the administration to

Accept, fellow citizens, assurances of my sincere regard for your individual happiness and prosperity; and, with a grateful and lively recollection of the many manifestations of your generous confidence and favor, I remain your friend and humble servant,

October, 1839.

HENRY DANIEL.

WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 19, 1832.

VOL. VI................$2.50 PER ANNUM.....BY DUFF GREEN. .........No. 29

MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH

sovereign interposition. The rescue, if it come

At the National Republican Convention, in Wor-at all, must come from that power, which no cester, Mass. October 12.

other power on earth can resist. I earnestly Mr. President: I offer no apology for ad- wish, therefore,unimportant as my opinions may dressing the meeting. Holding, by the favor be, and entitled, as I know they are, to no conof the people of this Commonwealth, an im- siderable regard, yet, since they are honest portant public situation, I deem it no less than a and sincere, and since they respect nothing less part of my duty, at this interesting moment, to han dangers which appear to me to threaten make my own opinions on the state of public the Government and Constitution of the counaffairs known; and, however I may have per try, I fervently wish that I could now make them formed other duties, this, at least, it is my pur- known, not only to this meeting, and to this pose, on the present occasion, fully to discharge. State, but to every man in the Union. I take Not intending to comment, at length, on all the the hazard of the reputation of an alarmist; I subjects which now attract public attention, nor cheerfully submit to the imputation of over-exto discuss any thing, in detail, I will, never-cited apprehension; I discard all fear of the theless, before an assembly so large and re-cry of false prophecy, and I declare, that, in spectable as the present, and through them, to my judgment, not only the great interests of the whole people of the State, lay open, with the country, but the Constitution itself is in imout reserve, my own sentiments, hopes, and minent peril, and that nothing can save either fears, respecting the state and the fate of our the one or the other, but that voice which has common country. authority to say to the evils of misrule and misThe resolutions which have been read from government, bithe. to shall ye come, but no farthe chair express the opinion that the public ther. good requires an effectual change in the admi- It is true, Sir, that this is the natural effect nistration of the General Government, both of of a good Constitution to protect the people. measures and of men. In this opinion, I heartily concur.

But who shall protect the Constitution? Who shall guard the guardian? What arin but the mighty arm of the people itself, is able, in a popular Government, to uphold public institu tions? The Constitution itself is but the crea ture of the public will, and in every crisis which threatens it, it must owe its security to the same power to which it owes its origin.

Mr. President, there is no citizen, of the State, who, in principle and by habitual sentiment, is less disposed than myself to general opposition to Government, or less desirous of frequent changes in its administration. I en tertain this feeling strongly, and at all times, towards the Government of the United States; The appeal, therefore, is to the people. Not because I have ever regarded the Federal Constitution as a frame of Government, so peculiar and so delicate in its relations to the State Govern ments, that it might be in danger of overthrow, as well from an indiscriminate and wanton op position, as from a weak or a wicked administration. But a case may arise, in which the Go. vernment is no longer safe in the hands to which it has been entrusted.

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to party, or patriotism; not to professed politi cians; not to those who have an interest in of|fice and place, greater than their stake in the country, but to the people; and the whole people to those who, inregard to political affairs, have no wish but for a good Government, who have the power to accomplish their own wishes.

Mr. President, are the principles and leading measures of the administration hostile to the great interests of the country?

Are they dangerous to the Constitution, and to the Union of the States?

Is there any prospect of a beneficial change of principles and measures, without a change of men?"

Is there reasonable ground to hope for such a change of men?

It may come to be a question, not so much in what particular manner, or according to what particular opinions, the Government shall be administered, as whether the Constitution itself shall be preserved and maintained. Now, Sir, in my judgment, just such a case, and just such a question, are at this moment before the Ani rican people. Entertaining this sentiment, and thoroughly and entirely convinced of its tru h, I will, as far as my humble power extends, awaken the public to a more earnest attention to their public concerns. With the people, As government is intended to be a practical and the people alone, lies any remedy for the institution, if it be wisely formed, the first and past, and any security for the future. No dele-most natural test of its administration is the etgated power is equal to the exigency of the fect produced by it. Let us look then to the present crisis. No public servants, however actual state of our affairs. Is it such as should able or faithful, have power to check, or to stop follow a good adminis vation of a good Consti the fearful tendency of things. It is a case for tution?

On these several questions, I desire to state my own convictions, fully, though as briefly as po-sible.

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