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AMBROSE SPENCER, President. FRANCIS BLOODGOOD,

SAMUEL TOWNSEND,

Vice

LAUHAM A. BURROWS, Presidents.
DANIEL KELLOGG

WILLIAM EDMONDS,

JOHN H. OSTROM,

ORAN FOLLETT,

Secretaries.

see made by our political opponents, to induce you to withhold your support from these tickets. You must prepare to see those who are in the possession of power, which they have perverted to their own private purposes, cling to it with great tenacity, and unwilling to relinquish it without a desperate effort to retain it in their grasp. You will be accused of having formed a coalition with a party between which, and some of you, there may be, on one point, The following resolutions were adopted: the widest possible difference of opinion; and Resolved, That we recommend to the Nationan industrious attempt will be made to appeal al Republican electors of the State of New York to every feeling and prejudice connected with the support of Francis Granger and Samuel Stethis solitary disagreement. The charge of a vens, as Governor and Lieutenant Governor of coalition will be made without foundation in the State of New York. truth; but if true, it would not convey a dis- Resolved, That Andrew Jackson, President honorable imputation. In order to form a coa- of the United States, having in his late veto meslition, there should be a concerted agreement sage to the bill for rechartering the Bank of the between parties to unite for some given object. United States, most audaciously declared that In the case under consideration there has been "most of the dangers which impend over our no such concerted agreement; but each party, Union, have sprung from the abandonment of acting for itself, and influenced by a common the legitimate objects of Government, by our anxiety to preserve the institutions of our coun- national legislation, and the adoption of such try, believed to be in imminent danger, have principles as are embodied in this act," therecome to a determination to support the same by clearly and manifestly intending to denounce tickets. Both the parties, so concurring, have and repudiate that system, coeval with the exhave made a frank avowal of their respective istance of our national Government, which has ciples, and neitner has engaged to compro. fostered and protected the resources and indus mise these principles in the smallest degree.-try of the people of the United States, and unTo those who believe no danger threatens our der which this nation has been so signally prospolitical institutions, this course of proceeding pered; has evinced not only a total dereliction may seem incomprehensible; but with all those of his own principles, but has aimed a deadly who think that such danger exists, it will find blow at the prosperity of the manufacturers, a ready and ample justification. No coalition is the farmers, and the mechanics of this country, wrong in itself; its character for good or evil is and has, thereby, forfeited all ciaims to the rederived from its object, and if the object be spect and confidence of the people of this State good, the coalition is praiseworthy. If a foreign whose welfare so essentially depends on the foe were on our frontiers, menacing the des- protection, by the Government of the United truction of our liberties, there would be, we States, of American industry, and American redoubt not, a grand coalition of all parties, and sources.

denomination of citizens in our country, to ex- Resolved, That this Convention consider the pel him, and, when the common enemy was Bank of the United States constitutional; and the beaten off, each party would be at liberty to existence of such an institution highly advanta take its original position, and assume their for-geous to the commercial, manufacturing, and mer distinctive grounds. So in the present in agricultural interests of the country, and absostance; the opponents of this administration, of lutely essential to our national prosperity. And every name, believe there is a force within our that we see in the late veto message, objections borders, working a destruction of our liberties, feeble and untenable, and highly dangerous, equally fatal with any that could threaten us and subversive of the fundamental principles of from a foreign source, and in this belief, deeply the constitution. cherished, there is found a justification for any union to preven this destruction.

Resolved, unanimously, That the following address to the National Republican electors of the Thus, then, fellow-citizens, we have recom- State of New York, be adopted as expressive of mended tickets for your support, we have giv- the sense of this Convention, and of their reaen you the reason for our recommendation, sons in support of the foregoing resolutions. and cautioned you against the arts of our oppo- The following resolution was offered by the nents; and we would once more, in conclusion, Hon. D. D. Barnard, of Rochester, and unaniearnestly entreat you, by all that you hold es- mously adopted: timable in those civil institutions, which have brought you so much prosperity and happine and elevated you far above every other people, to make a magnanimous sacrifice of every partiality, and of every aversion, of all feelings of To this expression of confidence and approevery description, which would stand in the bation, Judge Spencer made a pertinent and way of a perfect union of the whole opposition feeling reply.

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to the Hon. Ambrose Spencer, for the able and impartial manner in which he has performed the duties of the Chair

to the present national administration, and the The Convention was then closed by a fervent State regency. Let this union prevail, as we address to the Throne of Grace by the Rev. Dr. confidently believe it will, and victory, more Davis, President of Hamilton College. than victory, is certain.

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of a new Congress, the President deliberately spect and deference, to examine some of the renews his recommendation to consider the objections to its becoming a law, contained in question of the renewal of the charter of the the President's Message, avoiding, as much as Bank of the United States. And yet his friends I can, a repetition of what gentlemen have said now declare the agitation of the question to be who preceded me. premature! It was not premature in 1829 to present the question, but it is premature in 1832 to consider and decide it!

The

The President thinks that the precedents, drawn from the proceedings of Congress, as to the constitutional power to establish a bank, After the President had directed public at- are neutralized, by there being two for and two tention to this question, it became not only a against the authority. He supposes that one topic of popular conversation, but was discuss Congress in 1811, and another in 1815, decided ed in the press, and employed as a theme in against the power. Let us examine both of popular elections. I was myself interrogated, these cases. The House of Representatives in on more occasions than one, to make a public 1811, passed the bill to recharter the bank, expression of my sentiments; and a friend of and, consequently, affirmed the power. mine, in Kentucky, a candidate for the State Senate, during the same year, were divided, legislature, told me, near two years ago, that he 17 to 17, and the Vice President gave the castwas surprised, in an obscure part of his county, ing vote. Of the 17 who voted against the (the hills of Benson,) where there was but bank, we know, from the declaration of the little occasion for banks, to find himself ques- Senator from Maryland, (General SMITH,) now tioned on the stump as to the recharter of the present, that he entertained no doubt whatever Bank of the United States. It seemed as if a of the constitutional power of Congress to es sort of general order had gone out, from head-tablish a bank, and that he voted on totally quarters, to the partisans of the Administration distinct ground. Taking away his vote and every where, to agitate and make the most of adding it to the 17 who voted for the bank, the the question. They have done so: and their number would have stood 18 for, and 16 against condition now reminds me of the fable invented the power. But we know further, that Mr. by Dr. Franklin, of the Eagle and the Cat, to Gaillard, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Robinson, demonstrate that Esop had not exhausted in- made a part of that 16; and that in 1815, all vention, in the construction of his memorable three of them voted for the bank. Take those fables. The eagle, you know, Mr. President, three votes from the 16 and add them to the pounced from his lofty flight in the air, upon a 18, and the vote of 1811, as to the question of cat, taking it to be a pig. Having borne off the constitutional power, would have been 21 his prize, he quickly felt most painfully the and 13. And of these thirteen there might paws of the cat thrust deeply into his sides and have been others still who were not governed body. Whilst flying, he held a parley with the in their votes by any doubts of the power. supposed pig, and proposed to let go his hold, if the other would let him alone. No, says puss, you brought me from yonder earth below, and I will hold fast to you until you carry me back-a condition to which the eagle readily assented.

The friends of the President, who have been for near three years agitating this question, now turn round upon their opponents who have supposed the President quite serious and in earnest, in presenting it for public consideration, and charge them with prematurely agitating it! And that for electioneering purposes! The other side understands perfectly the policy of preferring an unjust charge in order to avoid a well founded accusation.

In regard to the Congress of 1815, so far from their having entertained any scruples in respect to the power to establish a bank, they actually passed a bank bill, and thereby affirmed the power. It is true, that by the casting vote of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, (Mr. CHEVES,) they rejected another bank bill, not on grounds of want of power, but upon considerations of expediency in the particular structure of that bank.

Both the adverse precedents, therefore, relied upon in the messsage, operate directly against the argument which they were brought forward to maintain. Congress, by various other acts, in relation to the Bank of the United States, has again and again sanctioned the If there be an electioneering motive in the power. And I believe it may be truly affirmmatter, who have been actuated by it? Those ed that from the commencement of the Governwho have taken the President at his word, and ment to this day, there has not been a Congress deliberated on a measure which he has re- opposed to the Bank of the United States upon peatedly recommended to their consideration; the distinct ground of a want of power to estaor those who have resorted to all sorts of blish it.

means to elude the question? By alternately And here, Mr. President, I must request the coaxing and threatening the bank; by an ex-indulgence of the Senate, whilst I express a few traordinary investigation into the administration words in relation to myself. of the bank; and by every species of postpone- I voted, in 1811, against the old Bank of the ment and procrastination, during the progress United States, and I delivered, on the occasion, a speech, in which, among other reasons, I asNotwithstanding all these dilatory expedients, signed that of its being unconstitutional. My a majority of Congress, prompted by the will speech has been read to the Senate, during and the best interests of the nation, passed the the progress of this bill, but the reading of it bill. And I shall now proceed, with great re- excited no other regret than that it was read in

of the bill.

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