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== ADDRESS OF THE NATIon AL REPUBLICANs of NEW YORK. 709
go. o To the Jackson Committee of Vigilance for We fear that these institutions are in imminent.
o: his own will to the deliberate opinion indifference its value his on calculated, and
posion of the other two branches of to Government, its dissolution spoken of on the floor of conthe to JOHN GREEN. *** *nd elsewhere, by those who placed esmo To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer, this administration in Power, we cannot resofoo Montague, 4th Aug. 1832. Iftain the fearful apprehension that, should Aninto Goroks: on perusing your last Enquirer, drew Jackson be re-elected, the Union is not that theolo othere was a Jackson and Barbouro deslined to survive another presidential term. olo held at Matthews, tavern, in the town of Tap. It is not our Purpose to review in detail, the does no Pahannock, on Monday, the 16th July last, and mosure of the present national administration;
rcumstano with much astonishment find myo placed such a review has been so frequently taken in
among the Committee of Vigilance and corres. public documents, drawn up with distinguishwhen to pondence. I thereforestato that I attended nosed ability, that a repetition of it in this address o such meeting, nor ever gave my consent for is not called for. We would, however, briefly my name to be used in *Y.way whatever, and and rapidly sketch a few of the characteristics
request that you will certify the sam
next Enquirer. Respectfully,
e in your
y which the administration has been distinguished.
to co-0 * WILLIAMEUBANK. * General Jackson has violated every importo - - - * Principle, upon the profession of wo, he impo . Election:-The time of holding elections in W. elected to the office which he now holds. weeks o the several States is as follows: Among the proofs of glaring discrepancy beit who Maine-Second Nonday in September. tween his professions and his practice, may be eter, Asoo New Hampshire-second Tuesday in March. classed his present attitude candidate a that we Massachusetts—Second Monday in Novem. second tim
Presentative in April and August.
First Monday in August.
e for the office of President of the United States. After the public avowal of his is principles upon this subject, we venture to af. firm that not an intelligent man in the country
gress returning a bill providing for such im-
Al) D.R.ESS tially, similar. To guard against usurpation To the National Room Electors of the state and the encroachments of arbitrary power, our of New York.
Government is wisely composed of co-ordinate
oce of liberty, we deem; orative duties incumbo - those civil institutions, o
one of these departments, has constantly en-
ated, and his willing instruments have attempt. ed to degrade, and even threatened to destroy that body, for refusing, in the exercise of a - plain constitutional right, to concur in his appointment of Martin Yan Buren to the court of st. James, Qther Presidents, no; excepting the illustrious Washington himself have had their nominations rejected by the Senate; but none have ever thought proper to regard such a difference of opinion, constitutionally, expressed, as a personal affront, and as forming a fit subject for open mouthed censure. He has confessedly, in conversation with distinguished citizens, and public men, sanctioned a forcible violation of the right of free debate, in the House of Representatives, avowing that Po ai violence, inflicted upon the members of that House for alleged invasions of private rights, would prove a wholesome corrective of their proceedings. He has denied the binding au:hority of the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, upon any other department of the Government: expressly, in a recent document put forth to the American people, and practically, by refusing to execute laws and treaties, pronounced by this tribunal to be constitutional and binding, because his opinion did not coincide with that of the court. Lastly, by yielding to the influence of his private feelings, and the advice of counsellors unfavorably known, and utterly irresponsible, he has lowered the respectability of the Government itself, in the estimation of all reflecting men, and thus weakened in a more effectual way than he could otherwise have done the bonds of that Union whose main strength lies in the respect and attachment of the people. We would conclude this imperfect review by inquiring can these things continue with safety to the republic? - we would now ask, by what portion of our fellow citizens is the re-election of Gen. Jack son advocated? His political adherents, by a stranger perversion of so they call them: so the Republican Party: oo indeed true that they are the Republican Party, when, at any provious time, did this party enrol among its members the opponents of every American Interest, and the advocates of every foreign one; it was once a fixed and established prin: ciple of the Republican Pao that this country should learn to depend on its internal resour: ces, to the exclusion of such articles as could be produced at home; but since the new Re publican party have instructed usin the docto offee trade, we have learned that patrion "quite to exclusive a poinole and that the interest of our countries should partici. pate in our regards equally with or o: In former times, it was the honest pride of the Republican party, that they were wedded to principles, onested with the advancement of popular liberty, in opposition to aristocratic usurpation and assumption ; and that oo o distinguished, were valued only as i. o these great principles. It no jo. affirmed that there never existed to on o. men, in any country,at a more distan
the most corrupt age 9
United States, for the express purpose, as they be men of talents, integrity, and extensive exdeclared, “of forming a more perfect union, perience in public affairs; thoroughly grounded establishing justice, ensuring doomestic tran- in those constitutional principles maintained by quillity, providing for the common defence, our party, and that wherever placed, they will
promoting the general welfare, and securing employ their great abilities to advance these, to themselves and principles.
the blessings of libert their posterity,” ordained and established that glorious Constitution, under which we now live, and by the aid of which, our advance'ment in prosperity and happiness is without a parallel in the history of man. The confede. racy which existed before the formation of the present Constitution, was found too feeble a bond of union, and the country required, what the hearts of the people, them fresh from the revolutionary contest, demanded, a more perfect union. the Constitution, which makes the Government a mere confederacy of independent States, and
Our principal candidate, Henry Clay, is of humble origin; springing from the common people, he has, under the fostering care of our republican institutions, been the artificer of his own fortunes. With his public life you are well acquainted: the events of it have transpired in theopen view of his countrymen—our children can relearse them.– Whether we contemplate him as a member of the House of Representatives, as the incumbent of the Speaker’s chair, as a representative
Now, we oppose that construction of of his country in a foreign land, a leading mem
ber of the late Administration, or a Senator in Congress, we find him distinguished by great
not a bond to unite the people of the whole ability, unwearied attention to business, a frank
country; and thus reduce us, in effect, to the
expression of his opinion on all public measures,
condition in which we were before the founda-san early, persevering, and uncompromising
tion of the Constitution. instrument gives power to Congress to promote,
We believe that this friend of domestic industry, and above all, and
more than all, by an ardent love of liberty, and
by direct legislation, the domestic industry of thea heart–American to the core.
country, and to provide for internal improve.
The National Republican party having thus
ments. We believe it is the right and duty of placed before the people their candidates, we,
Congress to regulate the currency of the country, and as far as practicable, make it uniform, sound, and wholesome. We hold to the entire independence of the Judiciary, and that its decisions on all questions arising under the Constitution and laws, are binding not only upon individuals, but States, and all the different branches of the Government. We hold that the President is bound to execute every treaty, and enforce every law of Congress, where his action is required to its enforcement; and that after the Supreme Court has pronounced such a law constitutional, his refusal or omission to enforce it, is a just cause for impeachment. We believe that all laws should be made in that spirit of conciliation and compromise which gave birth to the Constitution itself; that the interest of a majority of the people should be consulted in the formation of laws, and that the feeling, and even prejudices, of the minority should not be wholly disregard. ed; but the doctrine of our party is, that when laws are duly enacted, they ARE suprexe; and if not voluntarily submitted to, must be forcibly executed, as well against individuals, as associations and States. We have hitherto, until recently, regarded this doctrine as a fundamental principle of our republican institutions, and we regret that there should be, at the present time, a meccssity, as we believe there is, for its formal promulgation.
For the purpose of carrying out into practical operation these principles, the National Republican party have nominated Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, to the highest offices in the gift of the People. Those distinguished citizens have been put in nomination, not because of any distinct personal regard for them, or for the pur. pose of ministering to their ambitious views, if
as members and representatives of that party, feel bound to employ every means necessary to ensure their election, which sound morality and honor will justify. In making choice of these means, wisdom demands that we calmly survey the prospects before us. Our opponents have tleretofore calculated, with great confidence, upon the electoral votes of this State; without the aid of these votes their candidates cannot be chosen. If then we can insure the votes of this State for any other candidates than Jackson and Van Buren, the election of Henry Clay and John Sergeant can be relied upon with reasonable certainty. But how can this be effected? Not, we think, by placing a distinct electoral vote of our own formation before the people, but by giving our undivided support to the ticket nominated by a respectable and powerful branch of the opposition party, in this place, on the 21st of June last. This ticket is composed of men of established character, high personal honor, and undoubted patriotism they have not been required to give any pledges, but have been wisely left to the exercise of that discretion which the Constitution presumes to be vested in every elector. We feel confident, that if chosen, these electors will never vote for Andrew Jackson, or Martin Van Buren, and we firmly believe that before called upon to give their votes, the absolute necessity will be seen and acknowledged by every branch of the opposition party, of defeating the election of Andrew Jackson, in order to save the Union from dissolution. We, therefore, recommend to the undivided support of our party, in this State, the following electoral ticket: For Electors of President and Vice President. JAMES KENT, JOHN C. SPENCER,
Silas Wood, George Huntington,
such they have, but because we know them to
Eleazer Lord, Nichola, Shoemaker,
ducement to that undivided support which we solicit, we would present to you, for a single moment, the consequences resulting from an opposite course; consequences, some of which may be calculated upon with certainty, and others fearfully apprehended. The re-election of Andrew Jackson, besides defeating the candidates whom we have placed in nomination, - will be urged with irresistible force, as giving the sanction of the constitutional doctrines of General Jackson, and the measures of his administration, thus making these doctrines and measures precedents for future times. Such success will also be readily adduced as evidence of a condemnation by the popular voice of the Senate of the United States, composed as it is of our most eminent statesmen and patriots, for having rejected the nomination of a man as em. bassador to a foreign court, who had dared, for the first time in our history, to expose our domestic differences to that court, and present us a divided people; and above all, the success of
- - = 1 = Henry Cotheal, Gerrit Smith, past, been wielded by a central combination, or Joseph Tucker, Chauncey Baker, denominated the Albany Regency. o Ellis Potter, Orrin Wilbur, The object of the Regency is the of o James Turk, James Hawks, of political power, to be used for their own -n. Court Dubois, Edmund G. Per Lee, dividual purposes, and that of their polo p: George A. Gay, John Miller, friends; the means employed are the patro o Nathaniel Dubois, Calvin Burr, and influence of the Government, by who o Charles Hathaway, Joseph Dunlap, they are enabled to command the so th. Gideon Hawley, Hiram F. Mather, the office holders and their friends to so Martin De Ereest, Robert Cook, papers, and other presses. - | o Justus M'Kinstry, Robert S. Rose, To increase the power of this o ". William Tuttle, Nathaniel W. Howell, they have of late attempted tooloo o John Gebhard, Asa B. Smith, trol of the moneyed institutions o o Duncan M'Martin, jr. Shubael Denham, thus to possess themselves of o ol Gilbert Waring, Samuel Lacey, which secretly, though effeco olo tout Joseph Boies, Hoflom Hutchinson, great numbers of persons in so o o James A. Dalliba, George H. Boughton, cures their adherence to the so o: Robert Livingston, Nathan Mixer. verns this influence, or o bet By making choice of this ticket we feel con: sition to it. To this influence o in fident of defeating the election of Andrew the opposition which has manifested to . Jackson and Martin Van Büren, and as an in- the legislature of the State to hero -
nents of the Regency; thos o onto-
Samuel Stevens is a reo no
- at avail will be party names, and these minor o erences between men, substantially of the
one principles, when the last hope of civil|ant station in the governmeo
liberty shall'be extinguished?
oal situation of our state the political
York, and approved himself-
Power of this state, has, for a number of years
see made by our political opponents, to induce you to j" your support from these tickets. You must prepare to see those who "are in the possession of power, which they have perver'ed to their own private purposes, cling to it with great tenacity, and unwilling to relihquish it without a desperate effort to retain it in their grasp. You will be accused of having formed a coalition with a party between which, and some of you, there may be, on one point, the widest possible difference of opinion; and an industrious attempt will be made to appeal to every feeling and prejudice connected with this solitary disagreement. The charge of a coalition will be made without foundation in truth; but if true, it would not convey a dishonorable imputation. In order to form a coalition, there should be a concerted agreement between parties to unite for some given object. In the case under consideration there has been no such concerted agreement; but each party, acting for itself, and influenced by a common
Resolved, that we recommend to the National Republican electors of the State of New York the support of Francis Granger and Samuel Ste: vens, as Governor and Lieutenant Governor of the State of New York. Resolved, That Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, having in his late veto message to the bill for rechartering the Bank of the United States, most audaciously declared that “most of the dangers which impend over our Union, have sprung from the abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government, by our
anxiety to preserve the institutions of our coun-national legislation, and the adoption of such try, believed to be in imminent danger, have|principles as are embodied in this act,” therecome to a determination to support the same|by clearly and manifestly intending to denounce
tickets. have made a frank avowal of their respective ciples, and neitner has engaged to compro. mise these principles in the smallest degree.— To those who believe no danger threatens our political institutions, this course of proceeding may seem incomprehensible; but with all those who think that such danger exists, it will find a ready and ample justification. No coalition is wrong in itself; its character for good or evil is derived from its object, and if the object be good, the coalition is praiseworthy. If a foreign foe were on our frontiers, menacing the destruction of our liberties, there would be, we doubt not, a grand coalition of all parties, and denomination of citizens in our country, to expel him, and when the common enemy was beaten off, each party would be at liberty to take its original position, and assume their former distinctive grounds. So in the present in. stance; the opponents of this administration, of every maine, believe there is a force within our borders, working a destruction of our liberties, equally fatal with any that could threaten us from a foreign source, and in this belief, deeply cherished, there is found a justification for any union to preven this destruction.
Thus, then, fellow-citizens, we have recommended tickets for your support, we have given you the reason for our recommendation, and cautioned you against the arts of our oppo. ments; and we would once more, in conclusion, earnestly entreat you, by all that you hold estimable in those civil institutions, which have brought you so much prosperity and happiness, and elevated you far above every other people, to make a magnanimous sacrifice of every partiality, and of every aversion, of all feelings of every description, which would stand in the way of a perfect union of the whole opposition to the present national administration, and the State regency. Let this union prevail, as we confidently believe it will, and victory, more than victory, is certain.
Both the parties, so concurring, have and repudiate that system, coeval with the ex
istance of our national Government, which has fostered and protected the resources and indus. try of the people of the United States, and under which this nation has been so signally prospered; has evinced not only a total dereliction of his own principles, but has aimed a deadly blow at the prosperity of the manufacturers, the farmers, and the mechanics of this country, and has, thereby, forfeited all ciaims to the respect and confidence of the people of this State whose welfare so essentially depends on the protection, by the Government of the United States, of American industry, and American resources. Resolved, That this Convention consider the Bank of the United States constitutional; and the existence of such an institution highly advantageous to the commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural interests of the country, and absolutely essential to our national prosperity. And that we see in the late veto message, objections feeble and untenable, and highly dangerous, and subversive of the fundamental principles of the constitution, Resolved, unanimously, That the following address to the National Republican electors of the State of New York, be adopted as expressive of the sense of this Convention, and of their reasons in support of the foregoing resolutions.
Hon. D. D. Barnard, of Rochester, and unanimously adopted: Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to the Hon. Ambrose Spencer, for the able and impartial manner in which he has performed the duties of the Chair To this expression of confidence and approbation, Judge Spencer made a pertinent and feeling reply. The Convention was then closed by a servent address to the Throne of Grace by the Rev. Dr. Davis, President of Hamilton College.
The following resolution was offered by the