General Government, it is efficient; if it do, the and blinded by pride of opinion, and the most question can only be decided by the sword. To devoted friend of the Union cannot object to that issue, we repeat it, no American, with the an appeal from the free trade and State rights" head or the heart of a man, can look, without association to the collective wisdom of the feelings of far more anxiety than those which south. The delegates would be elected by the spring from considerations of personal safety. people in their primary assemblies. To deny And in proportion to the immense magnitude of the right of the people to institute such electhe interests at stake, should be the delibera- tions would be to call in question their right to tion with which the resolve is made. But South assemble and take measures for the purposes of Carolina is not alone interested in the decision. counsel, deliberation, or discussion. The conThe peace, the future hopes of every southern vention would represent the people, but they State, are equally at stake; or it is evident that, would meet not to form treaties or alliances in case of a collision on the subject of the tariff between the States, but to consult and advise. between the State and the Union, our sister The result of their deliberations would be comStates must of necessity become parties; and municated to the people of the States, but it the nullifiers show plainly, by their conduct, would require the intervention of legislative that, as they expect this contest to decide once action to give to their resolutions the sanction of and for ever the rights of the States under this law. They could make no law, and they would federal compact; so, in the event of a conflict, violate none. They could form no treaty, and which, if they are in earnest, must be inevita-they would do no act beyond the freedom of ble, they confidently look to the co-operation speaking, writing, and publishing, which is of our southern brethren to sustain them. guaranteed to every citizen. It is not likely They rely on the jealousy of the States against indeed that any objection to the legality of such the increase of the federal power, by the hu- a meeting will be made by any but those, who, miliation of a member of the confederacy, to up- by the voluntary assumption of the name of hold and support them, whether right or wrong. nullifiers, have shown that the constitution canThe inevitable tendency of nullification to not be in worse keeping, than under their prodrive our sister States into such a dilemma, re-tection.

veals the most odious feature in this scheme of But, if a southern convention is neither danpolitical sophistry and imposture. By the use gerous nor illegal, the salutary effects that may of a cabalistic term, by the employment of words be confidently expected from it, are of the without any distinct meaning, the State is to be highest importance. It would not be too much engaged in a controversy involving the fate of to expect from such a collection of able men, our inestimable institutions, against the will not the best and wisest councils. They would only of all who oppose the measure, but of all have it in their power to reconcile the people who support it, believing it to be peaceful, and to reasonable terms, or to unite them firmly the people of the neighboring States are to be against offers of inadequate redress. They forced into a position, so far as they are con- would exhibit a full view of the dangers to cerned, confessedly revolutionary, without so which the Union is exposed, and by making much as being consulted. Not only as patriots, them apparent would, in all probability, prebut as honest men, we can agree to no under-vent them. No partisan feeling in favor of or hand measures that sap the foundations of our against any candidate for high office could find free and constitutional government, under co-place, much less predominate in the convenver of peaceful professions. In the separation tion; and the question of the tariff would be of the States, we foresee evils to which nothing effectually separated from the Presidential elecbut stern necessity could reconcile us-a neces- tion. The moral influence of the convention sity of which we can only be convinced by the could hardly be overrated, even in relation to the deliberate judgment and concurrence of our fel- manufacturing States; but in relation to the low citizens, who are united with us by common southern States, its operation would be such as sufferings and by common interests. to render their opposition to the protecting We have waited for the extinguishment of system irresistible. But, if South Carolina, inthe public debt, as the natural period of the stead of this open and generous policy, should existing tariff; we have seen, with satisfaction, insist on her peculiar course and incur the imthe indications of a spirit of moderation in the putation of risking the peace and salvation of ranks of the manufacturing interests; yet the the country, from a vain glorious and selfish apprehension that our hopes may be disappoint desire of gaining all the honor of an achieveed, leads us to the consideration of what mea-ment in which others are equally concerned, sures it will become us, as citizens of the south, the existing parties, instead of being reconciland as friends of the Union, to adopt, if Con-ed, will be more and more embittered and their gress should suffer the oceasion for adjusting violence extended beyond the State. Darkness the revenue on fair and equal terms to pass rests upon the future, and no one can foresee away. And what course so natural, so proper, whether nullification may end in the aggranand so just as to refer to a southern convention dizement or the destruction of the General the consideration of all that is due to southern Government. But in either event the friends interest. In such a convention the quesion of liberty may long deplore the error and as will not be settled by a club, acting under the cribe the evils with which our future horizon is dictation of a few leaders; it will not be discus. blackened, to the fatal effects of ill-directed sed exclusively by men, heated by controversy ambition.

Advertisements in the daily and country, at one dollar per square, for the first three, and twenty-five cents for each subsequeht continu ous insertion. No advertisement for less then Resolved, That this meeting sympathise with one dollar. All material alterations are considthe relatives of the late General Sumter in his ered as new advertisements. Each distant or death; that, in common with his whole country, they mourn the departure of one of the most venerable relics of the revolution; that we deprecate the effort to involve his name with party conflicts of the day, and hold it wrong to disturb the repose of his declining years with partisan importunities; as one of the purest patriots and bravest soldiers of the country, we had learned to reverence him while living, and as such we cherish and honor his memory, now that he is gathered to his fathers.

der for an advertisement must be accompanied by the cash, or enclosed through some known responsible person.

All money due us, may be transmitted, at our risk, by mail. In all cases the postage must be paid by our correspondents. This item of our expenditure is onerous in the extreme.

Advertisements in the weekly, at the rate of one dollar for the first insertion, not exceeding one square. Each subsequent insertion fifty cents per square.

WASHINGTON, JULY 2, 1832.

VOL. VI..............BY DUFF GREEN.. $2.50 PER ANNUM........

.No. 16.

DEBATE ON THE TARIFF. litical drama. One thing is certain; an event

SPEECH OF

MR. MCDUFFIE, OF S. CAROLINA On the bill proposing a reduction of the duties on imports. Delivered in the House of Representatives, May 28, 1832.

ful political era is at hand, and whether it shall be signalized by the civil triumph, or by the will record that triumph or that catastrophe, catastrophe of constitutional liberty, history and posterity will pronounce judgmenton the authors of it.

That my views and principles may be understood and appreciated by that august tribunal, Mr. McDUFFIE rose, and said: I propose, sir, and that the record which history shall maketo submit some explanations, in addition to up, may present the true issue between the two those already presented, in a different form, of great contending parties, the oppressors and the views and principles which induced the the oppressed, I will attempt, before I take my Committee of Ways and Means to report the seat, to demonstrate how grevious are the present bill as an adjustment of the great sub-wrongs we have too patiently endured, and ject of the tariff. I must, however, in the out- how vital and sacred are the rights for which set, candidly acknowledge that I have not the we are contending.

least glimmering of hope that any thing I may But, before I proceed to examine the in. utter at this time, or which any human being equality and gross injustice of this combined can advance in this Hall, will induce the ma- system of taxation and protection, I shall ask jority to adopt the measure now proposed, or the attention of the committee to a brief expoany other measure founded on similar princi-sition of my views as to the amount of revenue ples. Nay, sir, I am reluctantly compelled to which, under existing circumstances, I deem it go still farther, although I have been disposed expedient to provide for defraying the neces to hope even against hope, that some Providen-sary and proper expenses of this Government. tial coincidence of circumstances might yet in- In deciding this question, there is no better tervene to incline the hearts of the majority to criterion to which we can resort than the averjustice, and lead their deliberations to some pro-age expenditures of a former period, which all pitious result; yet the developements and the must acknowledge to furnish a proper basis for experience of every day have rendered it more such a calculation. In 1821, our army was reand more apparent that all such expectations duced from a war to a peace establishment. are utterly vain and delusive. As to any ad- From the year following this reduction to the justment of this great question, therefore, which close of Mr. Monroe's administration in 1824, shall give tranquility to the public mind, and inclusive, I have made a calculation of the averrestore the broken harmony of this Union, "my age expenses of this Government for all objects, 'final hope is flat despair." Under these cir-both permanent and contingent, and the result cumstances, it may seem singular, but it is ne- is, that these expenses amounted, annually, to vertheless true, that it is precisely because I do a less sum than ten millions of dollars. Many not hope to produce conviction upon the minds of those who hear me will bear me out when I of this committee, and have no expectation say, that, when I first took my seat in this body that this great question will be adjusted here, I was regarded as very extravagant in my nothat I am more particularly anxious to set forth, tions, in regard to the public expenditure, be in the clearest and most distinct manner, the cause I justified the expenditures of that adminprinciples which will govern me, and, as I be-istration. Sir, Mr. Monroe's administration was lieve, those who are associated with me, as denounced by a large party in this country for well as the States we in common represent, in its extravagance. It was accused of preparing all the vicissitudes of this great contest for our the way for a great and splendid Government, unalienable rights. Sir, it is vain, it is worse instead of regarding those principles of econothan vain, to attempt to put by, to evade, or to my laid down by the fathers of our political palter with this question. It can no longer be church. I did not think so then, and I do not disguised, that there does exist, under the un-think so now; and I shall hail the day when the just and oppressive legislation of Congress, and present or any future administration shall bring without any agency of Providence to that ef back the expenses of the Governnent to the fect, a radical hostility of interests between the annual sum of ten millions, which I believe to two great subdivisions of this confederacy. And be an ample provision for all the the exigencies if the power of the majority, and not their sense of the country. But, sir, so far from wishing to of justice, is to decide the present controversy, dismantle our fortifications, suffer the navy to it will be impossible ever to reconcile these con- rot upon the docks, and leave the nation enflicting interests. Such being the case, God on-tirely defenceless, as has bern suggested in a ly knows what is to be the end of this great po- report recently offered to the House, I am for

maintaining all the institutions of the country am willing to make it still more so, by extend on a respectable footing, and am willing, and ing the period of final reduction to three years have ever been willing, to raise whatever-it is obvious that the surplus revenue must amount of revenue may be necessary for that be considerable during all these years, and that purpose, though I am aware that the burthen the sufficiency of a revenue derived from averwill be very unequally distributed, even by this age duties of 12 per cent. will not be brought bill. to the test in less than four of five years. Even

The essential institutions of the country are if we suppose that the pension bill, now pendthe army, the navy, and the civil establisment. ing, should become a law, it is not probable These I regard as indispensable; I hold them that the whole pension establishment, four or to be necessary at all times, in peace and in five years hence, will require an expenditure But be that as it war; for I fully recognize the truth of the max-of more than two millions. im, that the best way to preserve peace, is to may, eight millions will be amply sufficient be prepared for war. Now, sir, during the last for the permanent institutions and ordinary exthree years of Mr. Munroe's administration, it penses, and all the revenue over that sum will was denounced, as I have said, for its extrava-be applicable to pensions and other objects. gance; and yet the total annual expenditure The next inquiry in order, is, what amount of for the army, the navy, and the civil list, revenue a duty of 12 per cent, upon on all imamounted, during those years, to less than seven ports will bring into the Treasury? If we asmillions of dollars. I repeat it, sir, emphati-sume, as the basis of our estimate, the average cally, that, when our army was more efficient, amount of the merchandise imported for conits ranks better filled, and its officers as numesumption during the last seven years, we shall rous and competent as they now are, the annu- have something less than sixty-nine millions as al expenses of the Government for these three that average. The revenue from this amount objects was less than seven millions of dollars. of imports, at 124 per cent. duty, would When you add to this the expenditure of the be something less than nine millions of dolIndian Department, and for other objects of a lars. But we are inquiring what will be the miscellaneous kind, each amounting to a little amount of the revenue, four or five years hence, upwards of half a million, it will be found, that, after all the surpluses shall be exhausted: and Í exclusive of pensions, the whole average ex- think it may be very safely estimated that the penditure of the United States, during those. amount of the dutiable imports, under this bill, years, amounted to but little more than will not be less than eighty millions. There $8,000,000, will be at least fifteen millions now annually apAssuming this as a basis, and I am satisfied plied to the payment of the existing duties, that that the amount will be more than sufficient, will be disengaged from that object, and will especially as our fortifications are nearly com- be applicable to other purposes. It is a reapleted, (and I hope never hereafter to see more sonable supposition that this amount, at least, than $500,000 annually expended upon them;) will be applied to the purchase of foreign im and as the improvement of our navy yards also are nearly completed; I affirm that more than ports, in addition to the sum now thus applied. According to this view of the subject, making eight millions of dollars will not be annually all proper allowances, it follows that the amount required for objects of a permanent nature. of the imports for consumption will be more Then, as to pensions, I shall confine my than eighty millions the very first year the 12 views, in the first place, to the laws as they per cent. duty goes into operation; and, from now stand, and not as it has been proposed to the nativeal progress of population and wealth, extend them. During the three years I have that amount must increase considerably every mentioned, the pension list was very large; year afterwards. since then, however, the number of pensioners So has been rapidly diminished by death. that, whereas, in 1822, the sum expended on this object was nearly two millions, it is now less than one million, notwithstanding the great number of pensioners since put upon the roll, by special acts of Congress, and the relaxed rules of the War Department.

We shall have, then, an income of ten millions from the imposts; and even if we estimate the income from the public lands at one-half its present amount, that and the bank dividends will yield two millions more.

Having shown that only 8 millions will be required for the ordinary and permeneut expen It may fairly be presumed, calculating upon ses of the Government, it follows that, with a the probable mortality among men; none of them revenue of twelve millions, there will be an anless than seventy years of age, that in the course nual surplus of four millions applicable to penof some five years, this branch of expenditure sions and other objects of a contingent nature. will be reduced to a very considerabie sum. In presenting this brief view of the fature in

It is to be remarked, that, after paying off come and expenditure of the Government, I the public debt, there will be a large surplus, will take occasion to remark, that if I should not less than eight or ten millions, of the in-ever return to this body, I intend to propose come of the year 1833, because the income of a general system of retrenchment and economy; that will be principally derived from duties a system not founded on an indiscriminate hos which accrued during the present year, under tility to our existing establishments, but on a the existing tariff. Moreover, as the proposed deep conviction that these establishments can reduction of the duties will be gradual-and I be maintained in purity and vigor only by the

observance of a strict but judicious and liberal the Union, that will be compelled to pay a larger proportion of public burthens, by this economy. I am fully satisfied that, without reducing bill, than justly and equitably falls to its share? either the army or the navy, and without in- Let us examine this matter. Our imports of juriously curtailing the salaries of any of the foreign merchandise may be divided into two officers of Government, a saving may be effect-great classes. The first consists of articles ed of at least one-half a million of dollars. which are exclusively produced in foreign Without going into details, I will barely ticles which are exclusively produced in foreign suggest, that the Treasury Department alone countries; the second, of articles partly proopens a field in which retrenchments and reduced abroad, and partly in the United States. form may be employed with very great advan-The former are usually denominated the untage to the country. Sir, under the complicated protected, and the latter the protected class of system of high minimum duties, the expenses articles. Now, as to the former class, compris of collecting the public revenue have increased ing teas, coffee, silks, wines, and a variety of enormously within the last ten years. At a for other imports, I will assume, that from these, mer period, when our revenue from the imposts one half of the federal revenue will be collectwas equal to what it is now, the whole annual ed, through, in point of fact, it would be more expense of collecting it did not amount to more correct to say one-third only. than $700,000. Now, sir, it has swelled up to nearly double that amount.

As to this portion of the revenue, no one has ever pretended that the burthen is not equally The proposed reduction of the duties will distributed over the Union in proportion to the enable the department to dispense with the consumption of the articles from which it is greater part of that host of custom-house offi- derived. It must be apparent that the manucers which almost darkens our coast; and in facturing States have no grounds for alleging this item alone several hundred thousand that the duties upon silks, wines, tea, and cofdollars may be annually saved. Upon the fee, expose them to an unequal or oppresive whole, sir, I am well satisfied that the amount burthen. Will a solitary voice be raised to deof revenue which this bill will produce, with that nounce this part of the bill under consideration? derived from other sources, will be amply suffi- Assuredly there will not. What, then remains? cient for all the exigencies of the country, and What is the subject of complaint against this that considering it as a mere revenue measure, bill, and who are they by whom the complaint no one can justly take an exception to it. is made? The part of the bill which is

I will here remark, sir, that the people of the obnoxious to the denunciation of the manusouth, (whether correctly or not,I will hereafter facturing States, is that which imposes a consider,) are firmly impressed with the belief, duty of 12 per cent., and no more, on cotton that under any system of duties,while the revenue and woollen manufactures, on iron and iron is derived almost exclusively from imports, manufactures, and on all the other articles that their proportion of the burthens imposed by fed- fall within the scope of the protecting system. eral taxation, will be much greater than it ought Yes, sir, this is the source of the complaints to be according to the principle of the constitu- against the proposed measure. And who, do tion which regulates the apportionment of di- you suppose, are the persons that make them. rect taxes. Under these circumstances, they If an impartial foreigner, just arrived in our think they have a right to insist that the aggre- country, should be informed that a very deep gate burthen of taxation shall be as light as pos- and threatening excitement existed in relation sible, and that not a dollar shall be expended to this part of the proposed tariff, he would very by the Government that can be avoided by a ri-naturally suppose, that, as the excitement was gid economy. against a tax bill, it was the indignation of those Having now disposed of these preliminary who were called upon to pay the taxes, or upon questions, I shall proceed to consider how far whose productions the duties were proposed to the provisions of this bill have been dictated be levied. Upon being informed that the proby a due regard to the principles of justice and ductions of the southern States furnished the equality in the fiscal operations of this Govern- exchanges for this class of imports, he would take it for granted that these States, were clamWith the exception of certain articles admit-orous against so unequal a scheme of taxation. ted free of duty, nearly all of which are the im-But how would this impartial foreigner be asports and the consumption of the northern tonished, on discovering that the excitement States, all imported merchandise will be sub-was confined to that part of the Union which jected to the moderate and equal duty of 12 1-2 paid no part of the taxes in question; and that the Now, sir, I desire to know whether cause of the excitement was, that the taxes proany objection can be justly urged against this posed were not forty or fifty, instead of 12 per scheme, on the score of inequality? Regarding cent. upon the value of the imports!! In other it as a sourthern measure, can any other portion words, how great would be the astonishment of the Union allege, with the semblance of of this impartial" looker-on" from Europe, truth, that it will be subjected to an undue when he learned that the complaint against the share of the public burthens? I put the ques- proposed duty on cotton, woollen, and other tion emphatically, and desire that it may be manufactures, proceeded exclusively from the fairly met and fully answered, is there a manu- domestic manufacturers of these very articles, facturing State, or a manufacturing county in on whom the duty would operate, not as a bur;

ment.

per cent.