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zens, and in violating the rules of the Hous
by departing from the topic under discussio
for such a purpose? He maintained that the
slunderer was worse than the murderer—be-
cause disgrace was worse than death—and so
much the worse as death itself was no cure for

to calumny; that an honorable man would rather also die than submit to have his character destroy* ed; he lived for character. to: On the suggestion that the course taken to— so wards Mr. Stanbery would lead to a scene of :: violence at Washington city, he observed, that on the mischief would cure itself; that when mem... bers of Congress became sensible by the oc. o currence of a few such cases, that the free citiof wens of the country would not submit to be a* bused by them, but would hold them personal* , ly responsible ior slanders on their private o | character, they would cease to utter them. But * that so long as members of Congress were pert * , mitted to avail themselves of what was assumed | to be a privileged station, to traduce private s' character, to assal the reputation of an Ameri

can citizen, or that of his wife and daughter, (for innocent women have already been slandered in the debates of Congress,) it would inevitably lead to personal violence. It belonged to Congress, then, to prevent such scenes by

President, on this subject, in the interview at which we were present, we proceed now to give. He said that he, as one of the soldiers of the revolution, would assert, that they did not shed their blood, in contending against the British tyranny, to transfer to the American Congress the most undefined and despotic power ever claimed by either House of the British Parliament; that of trying and punishing for constructive contempts committed beyond the pale of its deliberations; that ours was a government of written constitutions and laws, that no line in the constitution, or letter of any law, authorised either branch of Congress to assume jurisdiction over offences belonging to the courts and juries; that the sedition law itself, as it had the sanction of all the departments of the Government, had the semblance of right to counenance it, but that the authority recently astumed to punish for offences analagous to shose provided for in that law, had not even tthe color of a legislative act to sanction it, and was exercised in derogation of the genius of our Government; that, if tolerated in its small beginnings, it would make great encroachments in the end; that no people could submit to it

for a length of time without being prepared

* requiring is members to abide by the rules of for the shackles which it would certainly imas the House, and not violate its order, their own |pose; that he was sure free American citizens : constitutional duties, and the rights of the ci-could not consent to principles which the sub4 tiren, by wandering beyond the prescribed li-jee's of the French monarchy had successively to mits of debate; that it was the duty of the resisted, although enforced by the influence of of House, if it could not restrain, to expel disor- the Prime Minister; that they knew too well to derly members; that libels on private character that the word PREROGA TIVE could not be * | promulgated on the floor of the House, and found within the lids of the constitution. * transferred to the public journals, sanctioned o by the character, and protected from being STEREOTYPE EDITION OF THE LAWs. * questioned by a court of law, by the constitu. The Globe of yesterday indulges in its usual * tional privileges of the body, would drive citi-style of abuse and misrepresentation on the subo zens, as had been the case with Houston, to ject of the proposal of the printer to Congress :* violations of the law as their only means of vin-to publish a stereotype edition of the laws, o dication; that, under such circumstances, which a plain statement will put down. * | Stanbery had invited the treatment he suffer-That paper asserts that the publication is not o ed, and had created the in pression that he de-|called for by the people, and that “the whole g served it. object of this bill then was to provide a fat job o: To an intimation made by Mr. Danforth, that for Duff Green; and it is remarkable that the o public functionaries ought to be protected, great advocate for this doceur were his ancient coupled with the inquiry whether the Presi-enemies.” Mr. Webster and Mr. Everett are si dent had no other protection than as Andrew then assailed for voting in favor of the proposi* lickson, he replied that he law sufficiently |tion. * Protectcd them all; that the President had no | Now to the facts: During the last adminiso *her protection than as Andrew Jackson, and |tration a select committee, appointed by the * that was enough; that to men, conducting|House, reported in favor of printing a stereo* hemselves properly, this precious book, (al-type edition of the laws The object of lding to a book of constitutions, on which helthe committee was to obtain for private pur* ! had laid his hand,) gave ample security; and chasers, as well as for the officers of Govern." * that it gave Congress no right to punish for as-ment, a cheap and authentic edition of the laws. *ults and batteries committed in the streets; It requires no argument to demonstrate the necessity for such a work. Such a work, from

that the ac's of Congress, in relation to con.
tempts to courts, showed the opinion enter-the nature of things, can only be executed at
tained by it, that the offence could only be the seat of Government. The proofs must be
committed in the presence of the body offend-compared with the rolls on file in the State pe.
td; and yet, the House of Representatives, partment. The printer to Congress issued pro-
in the late case, had refused to be bound posals which were laid before the last Con SS;
by its own principles as embodied in this and being referred to the Committee on the Li.
law. brary, composed of three members of each

The only additional ideas advanced by the House, three opposed to, and three in favor of,

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the present administration, that committee con-lno service in the work, we did not wish to em-
curred in a joint resolution directing a subscrip-ploy him, and that we did not feel the necessity
tion on the part of the Government, which was of purchasing his friendship, and would not, if
not only approved of by Judge Wayne,and Mr. we did. Mr. Peters threw his proposals before
verplanck, who were then, as now, the friends the Senate, and endeavored to persuade some
cf the administration, but it was also approved of the members of that body that we had at.
by Mr. Everett, of the Houre of Representa- tempted to underbid him—when the truth is,

tives, and Messrs. Robbins, and Frelinghuysen, of the Senate, who are opposed to the administration; and the judge made several attempts to call it up out of its order, that it might be acted upon at the last session. . It remained among the unfinished business of the House. Towards the close of the session, Mr. Clayton, of the Senate, expressed his conviction of the propriety of authorising the subscription, and pledged himself to vote for it at this session. These tacts cannot be denied, and completely put to rest the statement set forth in the Globe, that the bill was got up by a coalition of Mr. Calhoun’s and Mr. Clay's friends, to provide a fat job for the printer. Neither Judge Wayne or Mr. Verplanck can be suspected of fayoring either Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Clay, and Mr. Ever. ett, Mr. Robbins, and Mr. Frelinghuysen, the other members of the committee, who are now charged with a coalition with the friends of Mr. Calhoun, supported , the proposition long before the correspondence between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun had produced the schism in the Jackson party. This part of the attack being answered, it only remains for us to speak of the price at which the work is proposed to be printed. It would appear that the concurrence upon this point of Messrs. Wayne and Verplanck, who are now politically opposed to the editor, and of Messrs. Everett, Robbins, and Frelinghuy. sen, who now are, and always have been, so, and who were members of the Library Committee, and conversant with the cost of such publications, would be conclusive. It will certainly go far to rescue those who have voted in favor of this proposition from the anathemas uttered against them by the disinterested editor of the Globe. But, we are told that Mr. Peters, the reporter of the Supreme Court, handed to

our proposals, at the same rate, had been before Congress many, many months before we had occasion to know that Mr. Peters was in exist.

ence. As to the Globe's attempt to dragoon Congress into a rejection of our proposals, by the threat of looking to this matter again, we leave that, for the present, to be disposed of by those upon whom it was intended to operate.

Mr. BENTON's Report on Executive POWER. '

We are forcibly reminded of the profession and practice of this administration, by an article In the New York Evening Journal, which we insert below. The slight alterations do not yary their force, and with these amendments it is adopted. We know the veneration which many of the people yet entertain for the charac. ter of General Jackson, and no one re more than we have done, the necessity of exposing the melancholy truth that the Govern. ment is in fact administered, not by Andrew Jackson, but by “a band of irresponsible des: Pots, acting in the name of Andrew Jackson.” We do not pretend to say that this band com: Pel Gen. Jackson to submit to theirdictation by force; but that they have complete power over his will, and use that power with an absolute sway. No one is more deceived than Generall Jack: son himself. They have arranged a system of correspondence—they manufacture “public sentiment” for his ear—they have private and confidential correspondents in every State in the Union, to all of whom they simultaneously Sive a cue; and private letters, and the pur. closed press, are made to speak the lan which the tyrants order. They have an indi vidual near the President's person, whose busk ness it is to read such paragraphs from newspa. Pos as have been arranged and marked for the

¥r. Clay the proposals of a company in Philadelphia to print this work at half the price. Now, to this, it is a sufficient answer that Mr. Peters, after bills had been reported to both houses of Congress, directing a subscription to our proposals, called upon the chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the House, with a project to add to the edition cer. tain reports of the Supreme Court, and proposing to publish four thousand copies at four dollars per volume; and when he was told that we only asked two dollars and fifty cents per volume, he said that he was well acquainted with the expenses of printing books, and that it was impossible for us to publish the work at that price.

Purpose. The old hero, in the sincerity of his
heart, is thus made to believe and to do what.
ever the tyrants wish him to believe or to do;
*I'd hence his acts are so contradictory and vas.
Sillating. Those who in fact control him being
*Ponsible, and acting by such means, are
under less restraint than of they were directly
responsible to the people. '
History will never do justice to the intrigues
which are now practised upon the people, nor
will Posterity believe that suchmen as kendall,
Lewis, and their associates, who are now known
to haveit,ever exercised such an influence over
this republic; for it will require the revolution
of centuries to produce a similar combination of

Sundry propositions were then made to us to circumstances to create a "..." The con.
give Mr. Peters an interestin our contract, with viction of this truth adds o to our cmbat.
an assurance that he would be content with a rassment in the discharge of our duty as an edi.

very small portion of the profit.

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We feel the responsibility which we have

reply was, that as Mr. Peters could render us incurred by what we have done towards plac.

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ing eneral Jackson in power, and through himsport him are denounced. We quote an ex

contributing to build up these petty tyrants

;|tract below. We ask the people to think of

and yet we feel the impossibility of satisfying these things. Are, we freemen or, are we the $o honest, confiding people—that slaves? Is it possible that we should have liv

the power, which we confided to Andrew Jack

son, is in fact exercised by others through him.
We have seen the powerful influence which

-|ed to propound such a question to the American public? - Extract of a letter written in Washington,

these men have brought to bear against us, and and published in the Baltimore Republican:

the great efforts which they have made to de

stroy our reputation for truth; their object being to perpetuate their power by the destruction of all those who dare resist their misrule; or who dare speak of the enormity of their proceedings. One of their most decisive movements has been directed at members of Congress. They have labored to give,in their respective districts, more power to the name of the President than belongs to the immediate representatives of the People. If this be once accomplished, Congress will become the servile tools of these irresponsible despots, and ready to enforce their ruthless edicts, no matter how absurd or profli§ate. Hence the systematic warfare upon every member of either House who dares to enteron an opinion for himself. The attack upon Governor Poindexter, and Governor Moore, was intended to intimidate other members of Congress, as well as to punish them for their disobedience. It was intended as a declara. to for all, “if you do not patiently wear the Sollars, which we, (Kendall, Lewis, & co.,) have put on your necks, we will let loose thé Globe, and every other purchased press, to hunt you down. We will use the name and influ* of Andrew Jackson to denounce you;” and hence the warfare waged against Congress itself. It is intended as a declaration to every member of the House of Representatives, that th:Weight and influence of the kitchen cabinet will be thrown in the scale of any demagogue won they may selectasan opposing candidate, withinstructions to raise a huzza for Jackson and reform! This is done not only for the Purpose of whipping the timid into the ranks— "oompel them to do the dirty work of the des. Potshere, but to breakdown at home the influ. * ofthose who have too much public virtue, independence of character, and self-respect, to *come the tools of these irresponsible and opicable tyrants. They wage a warfare of *rmination upon every independent repre*itative-attributing to him a want of patriot. * least when he returns amongst his constiontshe may expose to the people the profli* Arts by which the people are deceived, Ped, and governed. Hence these men set WP the will of the President as the rule of acon. To oppose the will of the President—to thwart or refuse obedience to any of his mea. *ues, is cause of excommunication from his Party, and of political degradation. Hence we ote told “by authority” that Mr. Van Buren is the candidate of “the President, and of all the members of his cabinet,” for the VicePresidency; and the Baltimore Republican, the organ of

“WashingtoN, May 9, 1832.

“Sir: From the numerous delegates who have passed through this city, and who are almost hourly arriving from he south and southwest, I have no doubt that the Baltimore Convention will be well attended from all sections of the Union. It is very gratifying to find from their conversation that their great object is the union and prosperity of the republican party of the country and that one opinion prevails among them as to the propriety of a National Conven. tion for sqlecting a candidate for Vice-President. They are nearly as numerous in favor of M. Van Buren for that station: they look upon him as one of the most eminent and highly gifted statesmen of the country: they know him to be a sterling republican and true patriot; they know that he was attempted to be sacrifi. ced, and that the best interest of the coun were injured by his rejection: they know that it was his great talents and high standing, and not his want of “American eelings;” that induced Clay, and Calhoun to conspire against him: they know that, by striking him, they aimed a deadly blow at Andrew Jackson himself. they know that the “new coalition” are stri. ving hard to carry the election of Vice-President into the Senate, where they will “ bargain.” and “barter” for it: They know they are busily engaged in causing divisions in our ranks, by countenancing Wilkins in Pennsylvania, Bar. our in Virginia, and Johnson in Kentucky— and, knowing these facts, they seem pretty'de. termined to support Mr. Van Buren for VicePresident. This step would cause the Calhoun men to show their true colors at once. We would then know with whom we had to con. tend. It would strip the pretended Jackson men of their flimsy covering, and expose them at once to the public view. The Tazewells and Barbours of Virginia—the Wickliffes and Daniels of Kentucky—the Sutherlands and Coulters of Pennsylvania—the Roots of New York, and the Barringers of North Carolina, would then be thrown “off the fence.” They would be compelled to take one side or the other, and not oppose the administration by their votes and speeches, while they profess to be the friends of General Jackson.”

From The NEW Yonk Eve NING Journal.

FEDERAL PATRONAGE. In examining the memorable report of Mr. Senator Benton, made to the Senate in the se. cond year of the administration of John Q. Adams, we have shown up the causes of com. plaint on the part of the Hon. Senator, and

the Secretary of the treasury, gives a letter
from Washington, in which i who do not sup-

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called the reader's attention to the remarkable adaption of the whole document, ss though

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dict, ed by a spirit of prophecy, and written ny |

an inspired penman, to the career of the party
now in power. We now proceed to make sun
dry extracts from the concludin... portion of that
masterly report: and we beg the reader to note
how exactly Mr. Benton has pictured forth
those very evils, which, under the Jackson dy
nasty, came into being. It is really a matte
of astonishment that any mere mortal should
possess the gift of soothsaying to a degree so
accurate in result.
He states that, for the purpose of exhibiting
to the Senate “a full and perfect view of the
power and workings of federal patronage, th:
wommittee addressed a note to each of the De-
partments, and to the Postmaster General, re-
questing a statement of the whole number of
persons employed, and the whole amount of
money paid out under the direction of their re.
spective Deparrtments.” The answers to these
inquiries were made a part of the report of the
committee; and Mr Benton proceeds to draw
these inferences: “that the power and influ-
ence of the federal patronage are an overmatch
for the power and influence of State patron-
age; that its workings will contaminate the pu.
rity of all elections, and enable the Federal Go.
vernment, eventually, to govern throughout
the States as effectually as if they were so many
provinces of one vast empire.” . These fore-
bodings are now literally realized
To the powerful language which follows, we
invoke the most earnest attention of every lover
of his country, and every despiser of hypocrisy
and deception. Mr. Benton wished himself to

be understood as describing abuses which had .

existence elsewhere than in his own ardent inta-
gination. Unconsciously, perhaps, he was deal
ing in the future—not the past, nor the then
present ; he was uttering prognosications
which he was shortly to see fulfilled, and by
his own aid —not recording historical facts of
which his countrymen, thitherto, had acquired
by any sort of experience. “The whole of this
great power,” he exclaims, in the fervor of fos
inspiraticn, “will centre is the PRESI-
DENT * and he proceeds to enforce his pre-
diction, by the following strong and irresistible
reasoning : -
“The King of England is the centre of ho:
nor ; the President of the United States is to
source of patronage. He presides over the en
tire system of federal appointments, jobs, and
contracts. He has “power' over the ‘support'
of the individuals who administer the system.
He makes and unmakes them. He chooses
from the circle of his friends and supporters,
and may dismiss them, and, upon all the prin-
ciples of human action, will dismiss them, as
often as they disappoint his expectations. His
*pirit will animate their actions in all the elec-
tions to State and Federal offices. There may
be exceptions, but the truth of a general rule
is Proved by the exception. The intended
check and control of the Senate, without new con
stitutional or stationary provisions, will cease to
operate. Patronage will penetrate this body,
subdue to capacity of resistance, chain it to the

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cur of power, and enaul, i.e. for sour to rule 1 easily, and much more secure with, than without the nominal check of the Senate. If the Presi. dent was himself the offic r of the people, lect. ed by them, and responsible to them, there would be less danger from this concentration of at power in his hands ; but it is th business of s.tesmen to look upon things as they are, and not as they would wish them to ce. We must, hen, look forward to the time when die pub. lic revenue will be doubled ; when the civil and military officers of the Federal Govertinent will be quadrupled ; when its influence over individuals will be multiplied to an ind-fino extent ; when the nomination by the President can carry any man ranough the Srvats, and his recommendation can carry any measure through the Houses of Congress; when the principle of public action will be open and avowed, the President wants Mr role, and I want his patronage : I wil votz as ht wishes, and he .# give me the office I wish for. What will this be but the government of one man? And what is the government of one man out a monarchy & Names are nothing. The nature of a thing is in its substance, and the name soon accommodates itself to the substance. The first Roman Emperor was styled Emperor of the Republic, and the last French Emperor took the same title ; and their respective coun: tries were just as essentially monarchical efore, as atter the assumption of these titles. It cannot be denied or dissembled, but that this Federal Government gravitates to the same point.” Reader we ask you to peruse the foregoing, again and again , consider its source, and mark the almost miraculous adaptation of the entire passage to that state of things which we are now beh läing, and suffering, under to ignominious misrule of a band of irresponsible despots, acting in the name of Andrew Jackson But, with what amazement will the reo der regard the paragraph which, in the report, immediately follows the above quotation!. In be annexed extract, how faithfusly has Mr. Thomas H. Benton foretold the preciseevent. which have occurred at the Federal Capital within a very few week : He had previously, on another occasion, warned his constituents of the sanguinary consequences to be dreaded from the elevation of Gen. Jackson to power? and that warning, uttered solemnly and deliperat ly, has sunce proved to have been the voice of rauth. Now listen to his still more formal admonitions, addressed to his colleague” of the Senate : “Those who make the President must upport him. Their political fate becomes idea. tified, and they must stand or fall together. Right or wrong, they must support him; and of he be made contrary to the will of the people, he must be supported, not only by votes, and spokcars, but or arms. A violent and forced state of things will ensue. Individual combats will take place ; and the combats of individuals will be the forerunner to general engagements. Th; array of man against man, will be the Pre

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lude to the alray of army “ga irst ar, y, and o State against State. Such is the law of nature and it is qually in vain for one set of men t clim an exemption frcm its operation, as i would be for any other set to suppose that, un der the same circumstances, they would not ac in the saune manner.” The remedy which Mr. Benton proposed to apply—or rather the preventive against the occurrence of these appaling evils, was the election of President directly by the people. The report then proceeds to urge another amendment of the Constitution, “intended to exclude Senators and Representatives from appointments to civil offices, under the authority of the Federal Government!” Does not the mere mention of this proposition, at the present time, call into the cheek of every Jacksonman, not uttery callous to all feelings of shame, a blush of conscious degradation? Is not the party detected in its atrocious dissimulations; and will not the people, judging of the insincerity of such professions by the wholesale inconsistency of their acts, pass sentence of condemnation upon the pretenders? But for the present, we close, with the concluding portion of this pithy and pregnant document. It is not in the power of any member of the opposition, so truly topourtray what has been, and is, since the ascendency of the Jackson party, as was done six years ago, by Mr. Thomas H. Benton, in advance. “The committee must then take things as they are. Not being able to lay the axe at the root of the tree, they must go to pruning among the limbs and branches. Not being able to reform the Constitution in the election of President, they must go to work upon his powers, and trim down these by statuary enactments, wherever it can be done by law, and with a just regard to the proper efficiency of the Govern. ment. For this purpose, they have reported the six bills which have been enumerated. They do not pretend to have exhausted the subject, but only to have seized a few of its prominent points. They have only touched, in four places, the vast and pervading system of Federal Executive patronage: the press, the Post Office, the ormed force, and the appointing power. They are few, compared to the whole number of Points which the system presents, but they are vital to the liberties of the country. The press is put foremost, because it is the moving power of human action, the Post Office is the handmaid of the press; the armed force its executor; and * appointing power the directress of the whole. If the appointing power was itself an manation of the popular will—if the President was himself the officer and the organ of the people, there would be less danger in leaving to his will, the sole direction of all these arbi. ters of human fate. But things must be taken * they are; statesmen must act for the country they live in, and not for the Island of Utopia; they must act upon the state of facts in that Country, and not upon the visions of fancy. In the country for which the committee act, the press, some exceptions, the Post Office,

the armed force, and the appointing power, are in the hands of the President, and the Presidenth imself is not in the hands of the people: The President may, and in the current of human affairs, will be AGAINst the people; and, in his hands, the arbiters of human fate must be against them also. The safety of the people is the “supreme law;” and to ensure that safety, these arbiters of human fate must change position, and take post on the side of the people.” “ RAISING THE WIND.”

We learn that Doctor Davis, who was particularly noticed in Monday's Telegraph, has been negotiating Post Office drafts, received for services Not performed, if the editor of the Edgefield Carolinian is correctly informed. These Post Office drafts were refused by at least one banker, who happened to know something about the doctor; one or more were negotiated at one of the banks in this city. The bullying doctor is supported by the Post Office Depart ment, in common with many other persons of his description; one of his agents was trying to sell Post Office, drafts last Friday. Really, Mr. Grandy, it would seem that the strongest objection to the abolition of postage on newspapers, is that the department has become a receptacle for such political tracts as cannot be otherwise provided for.

In our article published in our daily paper of Wednesday commenting on Mr. Miciane's. scheme, we stated the amount of the accrued duties for the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1831, at $33,319,000. That amount was taken from the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, made at the commencement of the session. It now appears, by another report from the Secretary, covering a statement from the register, that the duty actually accrued was $36,857,1621–the difference between the two consisting in an error in an estimate of the Secretary, as we suppose, in the duties accrued in the last quarter of the year ending on 31st December, 1831. This error, like all those committed by the Treasury Depart-. ment, acts in the same direction, and, in effect, is calculated to make the impression—which it is certainly the desire of the Secretary to make —that his scheme would reduce the imposts to the revenue point. It will become necessary to make our calculations of yesterday correspond to the amount of the revenue now ascertained to have actually accrued in the year 1831; and, as there were several typographical errors in our article of Wednesday, in consequence of the engagements of the editor o: him from correcting the proof, we have again inserted it in this impression, corrected and adjusted to the actual amount of the accrued duty of the year 1831. We also publish the letter of the register of the Treasury, accompanying the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. It will be seen, among other things, that the nett revenue from the duties accrued in 1831, is upwards of thirty

millions and a half of dollars; and, also, that a

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