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Jackson are laboring for office . The policy of to see into it.” No one has denied to Congress

each is to divide" between their partisans the “spoils” drawn from the taxes imposed upon the south, Shall we, then, divide and quarrel among ourselves about Mr. Clay, Gen. Jackson, or Mr. Wan Buren, when the only consequence of such a course must be to rivet the taxes upon us, which they would impose for the benefit of their followers Or, should we not devote our whole energies to redeem ourselves from this more than Egyptian bondage 2 Shals we imbrue our hands in each other's blood, whilst our task-masters wrest from us the proceeds of our honest labor Should we not rather lay aside all personal considerations, and unite in support of one unceasing effort to equalise the public burdens 2 Should we not test our public men by this standard, and this alone * To this end will we devote ourselves, whoever may be President. -


The funeral of this lamented gentleman took place on Wednesday evening, in the congressional burial ground. The corpse, attended by the mourners and pallbearers, was, at four o'clock, taken to the hall of the House of Representatives, where the members of the House, and their Speaker, the President of the United States, the Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of War, and of the Navy, and

the power to lay a duty for revenue. In 1816, the country had a debt of one hundred and thirty"millions; and although Mr. Calhoun voted for the tariff of 1816 as a revenue measure, he has been consistently opposed to every proposition to increase the tariff since—whereas, Mr. Speight, who condemns Mr. Calhoun for his vote of 1816, not only supports Mr. Van Buren, who is the parent of the tariff of 1828—the bill he denounces as a bill of abomination—but recommends, in the very letter before us, Mr. McLane’s bill, which retains duties on most of the protected articles twenty to thirty per cent. higher than the bill of 1816, although we then had a debt of one hundred and thirty millions, which is now discharged. Such glaring inconsistency argues something more than mere ignorance.

But the honorable letter writer takes the Treasury statement for truth. He informs his constituents that Mr. McLane's bili proposes to reduce the customs to $12,000,000, when it proposes a revenue of from $18 to 20,000,000 from the customs, which, with the $3,000,000 from the public lands, will leave a surplus beyond the expenditures, often millions at least.

WThe o letter-writer might have spared himself the labor of informing his constituents that he wanted the “refinements of edusation which characterize the generality of public men.” All who know him well, must have

the Attorney General, together with many of tiscovered that he is wanting in the properties,

ourtitizens, were assembled and awaiting its reception. The Senate then, preceded by its President and Secretary, entered the hall and took seats which had been assigned to them. It was placed upon a bier in the area im. mediately in front of the Speaker's chair, and a funeral service was performed by the Chaplain of the Senate. At nearly 5 o'clock-procession was formed in the order prescribed by the committee of arrangement, and proceeded to the place of interment on the eastern branch of the Potomac, where the body was deposited in the spacious vault of the family of Griffith Coombe, Esq. of this city. • The flags of the House of Representatives and of the marine garrison were hoisted half. staff high, and continued so till sunset.

Among the letter-writers of the Van Buren school, the honorable Jesse Speight is working out for himself an unenviable notoriety. Had the honorable gentleman been content with playing etes dropper for the palace, he might, for us, have enjoyed all the consequence and profit derived from his vocation; but he is made to discourse of the tariff, and standing sponsor for Mr. McLane's “judicious” compromise, asserts that “no man in the United States has gone farther in his ultra tariff doctrines than Mr. Calhoun.”

Now, the answer to this is, that it is untrue, and the only apology that the honorable gen. tleman can give for signing his name to such a *tatement, is that which he gives for opposition to nullification—that he “has not sense enough

without which no man is qualified to represent a southern district. We mean truth and honor.

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION. . The Albany Argus has a long article, under this head, intended as a reply to Mr. Goode’s remarks in the Virginia caucus, on Mr. Van Buren’s political conduct ; which indicates

clearly, that it is the purpose of the party leaders

to put Mr. Van Buren in nomination for the Vice Presidency. We began, to apprehend that they had taken the alarm, and that some less exceptionable man would have been selected. But it seems that their motto is, “Aut Caesar aut nihil.” And this was made manifest by the utter contempt for Virginia, and the scuth, manifested by Mr Marcy, yesterday, when he moved to include in the Pension Bill all those who had served three months during the war of the revolution. This is only equalled by the motion of the same gentleman, to put the ferrymen on the pension list.

We had hoped that Mr. Ritchie's assurance, that if the members from New York turned their back upon Virginia now, their appeal to the south, in behalf of any of the sons of the Empire State, would hereafter be in vain, would have had its effect upon the calculating and well-drilled corps ; but, as if in utter contempt of Mr. R.'s admonition—as if to say, “you are already, bought and sold”—“you are already galley slaves, and who cares for your complaints?” The honorable Senator, in the face of ihe assembled delegates, deputed by Mr. R. &

Co. to Baltimore, moved the amendment. We claim your promise, Mr. R., stick to your promise ; but we lay an even wager that no act of the New York delegation will drive you from Mr. Van Buren!


The reader will find, in this day’s paper, a suitable reply, to the slander, circulated under the signature of a Member of the Senate, against his colleague and a majority of the Senate. Verily he hath his REwARD !!

From the Mississi PPI Path ioT.

W AshingtoN City, March 31, 1832.

Dear Sir: I have read a letter published in the newspapers in Mississippi, signed “Powha tan Ellis,” my colleague in the Senate, claiming for himself the merit of being the only true representative of the State in Congress, and al. leging, in substance, that I have attached myself to Mr. Calhoun, and, with the other fiends. of this gentleman, have formed a coalition with Mr. Clay to break down the administration of President Jackson. My object in addressing you, is not to deny to the Senator the distinction which he claims for hitnself, for it would be cruel to disturb so much se mplacency, but to assure my łł...o..."; same medium which has given currency to the letter of Judge Ellis, that so far as it has reference to the attitude in which I stand towards either Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Clay, it is not sup. ported even by the semblance of truth, i.e. absurd idea has been bruited in the columns cf the party journals, to deceive, if possible, the great body of the American people; but it has never before received the sanction of a respectable name. I would greatly prefer to ascribe this indiscreet act of my colleague to weakness than wickedness, for it certainly must be attributed to one or the other. My conduct, as a public man, is wholly guided by the principles which I have avowed, and on which I have practised throughout my political life. I wear the livery of no man on earth, and esteem them only by the standard of the constitution, and their adhesion to the cause of human liberty. I have never, on a single occasion, known, or sought to know, the opinion of Mr. Calhoun in relation to any subject on which I have given a vote in the Senate. I respect him as an hono rable man, and an enlightened statesman, but I am very sure he would not so far commit hun. self as to presume, under any circumstances, to dictate to me in the discharge of the high du. ties which have been confided to me by my constituents. Any such attempt would sink him, in my estimation, and receive the eon. tempt which arrogant presumption merits at the hands of an independent man. He has not, and 1 am satisfied he will not, on any future occasion, urge his opinions on me as the rule of my conduct. Mr. Calhoun is not before the people for any office in their gift; he will retire at the end of his present term, and if I were capable of binding myself to the political fortunes of any aspirant, he could offer me no temptations to make the sacrifice, as he is powerless, per

be, and will very soon be a private citizen. It is natural enough for a man who is himself a servile sycophant, who “bends the knee to Baal,” and records the edicts of the Executive, in the hopes of receiving the crumbs of office as his reward, to imagine that similar motives govern the actions of other men; but I protest against the application of such epithets to me. I shall exercise my best judgment on every measure brought before the body to which I be. long, uninfluenced by any other considerations than the prosperity and glory of our common country, and the welfare of my immediate constituents, feeling at all times bound to obey their instructions when they shall think it necessary to give them. As to Mr. Clay, with whom it is alleged I, among others, have combined to break down the present administration, there does not exist between us the most remote political sympathy, and the same remark will apply with equal justice to Mr. Calhoun, and the other distinguished individuals implicated in this foolish charge of combina. tion. All my votes on measures, will attest my opposition to the policy advocated by Mr. Clay; and while I accord to him lofty and command. ing talents and boldness in declaring and defending his opinions, I can never be prevailed on to give him my suffrage for the high office which he seeks, and thereby sustain the ultra doctrines of the American system, Mr. Clay is well aware of this, and he would as soon calculate on receiving the support of his bitterest personal enemy, which I certainly am not, as on mine Between himself and the President, ‘and many Senators who claim to be the suppor: ters of the present administration, there is but a slight shade of difference on the subject of 4, protecting tariff. This odious system of taxa. tion would be repealed at the present session of Congress, if the professed friends of the ad. ministration did not unite with Mr. Clay in perpetuating it. The journals of Congress will show this fact; and yet, while those who find favor with the Executive, act in concert with Mr. Clay in giving effect to his “American System.' they unblushingly denounce Mr. Calhoun and others, who are laboring to relieve the people of the South from these heavy burdens, as the adjuncts of Mr. Clay, in making war on the present administration. This effrontery is equalled only hy the robber, who, to conceal his guilt, is the first to cry out, ‘stop the thief.' I have seen with deep regret the proceedings of a small meeting at Clinton, in which my vote on the nomination of Van Buren is disapproved. I had hoped, for the honor of the State, that this personal affair, involving no principle, con: nected with the interests of Mississippi, would have been permitted to pass without the dis’ gusting notice which has been taken of it for party purposes in some other States of the U: nion. My opinion of persons nominated to of fice must depend upon the lights which I pos: sess of their respective merits, and whether I approve or disapprove of the selections made by the Chief Magistrate, of persons to fill offi.

secuted, without influence with the powers that

ces within his gift, cannot be a matter of seri.

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ous concern to any, save only those whose in

dividual inierests are involved in the action of the Senate on their nominations. Many instances have occurred since Gen. Jackson came into power, where his nominations to high political stations have been 'almost unanimously rejected by the Senate; like instances are to be found on the secret journal of the Senate, throughout every administration from the days of Washington up to the present time, and ne– ver, until now, has it been deemed a fit sub. ject for popular excitement and animadversion. What do my old friends at Clinton know of Martin Van Buren to render him so dear to them? Are they prepared to idolize the man who fixed upon them that “bill of abomina

tions,” the tariff of 1828–who came to the support of Gen. Jackson only a few months be: fore his election, evidently with a view to the advancement of his own ambitious views—who has been faithless throughout his whole life to every man, and every cause, when neither the one or the other ceased to hold cut rewards and inducements to him; who has done more injury to the administration of General Jackson than any other man connected with it, and who is the enemy of the entire country south of the Potomac, which he would at any moment sacrifice to subserve the ambitious projects of the powerful State within which all his feelings are concentrated? To me it appears that there could not be any act of mine less calculated to draw on me the displeasure of any portion of my fellow-citizens. Nothing which concerns them, either in reference to their feelings or Prosperity, is, in the remotest degree, affected by this movement, and so far as General Jack. son is concerned, it is calculated to relieve him from an incumbrance which has borne more heavily on him than a millstone around his *ck from the moment he entered upon the high duties of his office. I cannot identify President Jackson with Martin Van Buren, and if there be a school of politicians who lecture on that text, I do not belong to it. I shall give "the administration a frank and candid sup. Port whenever I approve its measures, but I should degride both myself and the state, by *glecting to exercise my own judgment on §reat questions of national policy, and yielding "Piny honest convictions to the mandates of * executive. If any part of the people o

Mississippi desire to be represented in , the Na.

tional Legislature by a mere machine, to be

wielded by he arm of power, they have made * unfortunate selection in me, for I cannot

*ent to surrender my own judgment to any

other authority than the instructions of those whose interests 1 represent, and to whom I am responsible for my public acts.

1 am, Sir, with great respect, Yourfriend and fellow-citizen, GEO. POINDEXTER..

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The Globe corrects us by saying that the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the bill, had been published at large in that paper. Our impression was otherwise ; but, lest we should be in error, we made a memorandum on the manuscript directing the compositor to examine the file of the Globe, and first to ascertain whether the report and bill had been printed. Upon reading the proof, we naturally supposed that our first impression was correct, and passed the article to the press. We have no inducement to misrepresent the Globe, and it may well make the most of an error which we hasten to correct. The remark was, of itself, incidental, but it gives us an opportunity to place our conduct in striking contrast with that of the Globe. For when did that print correct an error? “

The Baltimore Convention meet on this day. Many of the delegates from the north, east, west, and south, have visited head quarters, and, for a time, the kitchen cabinet were said to be in a panic, lest the decision of the Senate should be approved by the assembled wisdom of the party; hat the impression now is, that although there may be some division, some misgivings and bad blood, the convention must, nolens tolens, adopt the rejected minister. It is said, however, that there is great apprehension, and that some delegates have been selected who will not consent to support Mr. Van Buren, on any terms—we shall see!


The Globe rejoices over the vote of the House rejecting the Senate’s amendment to the apportionment bill, and insinuates that the decision of the House was on constitutional grounds. It is not to be concealed that the question was one of political power between the great and the small States. Thus, the bill gave to New York one member for every 47,827 of her population—whereas, it gave to Delaware but one for every 75,432, and to Missouri only one for every 65,205 of hers. The Senate's amen]. ment proposed to equalize the representation, by giving to the small States one representative for each fraction over a moiety of the arbitrary ratio assumed by the House, and thus meeting, as nearly as possible, the requisition of the comstitution in that particular. The decision in this case shows the influence of the President over the legislation of Congress. The House bill gave a decided advantage to New York—

by it she receiving two more representatives,

and, consequently, two more electoral votes p than her fair proportion. New York is Mr. Van Buren's State; and it was given out, in unquestionable terms, that the President would veto the Senate's bill. The House, under such cir. cumstances, adhered to the original bill, and have taken it for granted that the smaller states must submit to this pressing injustice. But they will remember by whom they have been deprived of that participation in the affairs of the government to which they are entitled under

the constitution. The arguments of Mr. Clay

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Now, admit this to be true, what is the commentary? Had the editor of the Telegraph assented to perform the dirty work which the Globe was established to do, these 11,893 subscribers would have been added to our list!! But this is not all. We have voluntarily relinquished the patronage of the department, worth more than these subscribers. And are the people so blind as not to see that there must have been an adequate motive for such a sacrifice? In addition to this, we have incurred the risk of a sacrifice of that . we value more high. ly than all—our good name—and, although we have found men enough who are ever ready to call upon us to vindicate them, we have found few, we should say none—no, not one—to defend us when we are assailed. We have seen the wicked in his prosperity—and we have lived to see him humbled in the dust. But, although clouds and darkness may overshadow them for a season, truth and fortitude will be triumphant. Upon these foundations, we build our hopes. The Globe of Saturday copies from the Kentucky Gazette, a scurrilous attack upon the editor of this paper. The editor of the Gazette is an unfortunate man. He was an ardent, and we had hoped, a generous and honorable man. His relative, Mr. Pope, had been, for many years, the political rival of Mr. Clay, and we were not surprised that he was induced to purchase the party press, then under the patronage of Mr. Barry and his sriends, in opposition to Mr. clay. For some time the paper was conducted with a moderate share of ability, and a general

fo. for propriety; but the editor was, at o

st compelled to throw himself on the Post Qifice Department for support, and now rivals the Globe itself, in scurrillity.

We have heard that the editor, or his father. in-law, receives a gratuity from the Department in the shape of an additional allowance, on a post office contract, of three thousand dollars per annum. This fact speaks for itself, and shows the use to which Mr. Barry applies the surplus funds of this Department. It is also a commentary upon Mr. Grundy's solicitude to keep up the postage as a means of increasing the circulation of the purchased press.

It will be recollected, by those who note the signs of the times, that, before Mr. Van Buren informed the public of his acceptance of the mission to England, he visited the springs, and there paid great court to Mr. Webster. It was even given out that Mr. Webster bad been

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though it was perfectly right—the very quint

essence of diplomacy in Mr. Van Buren, when he wanted to obtain Mr. Webster's vote and influence in aid of his nomination, to walk arm and arm with the “Goliah of the east 5” now, it seems that to travel in the same stage, or be seen in the same northern city, incurs the pe. nalty of excommunication 1 Thus, the Albany Argus gravely tells its readers, that Gen. Root and Mr. Webster tra. velled in the same stage; and the last received Louisville: Advertiser, informs us, that “the Hon. Daniel Webster and the Hon. George Poindexter were, at our last advices, travelling very lovingly together through the northern cities #" and adds, “apostacy gives a man strange bedfellows " It is thus that the pensioned press poison the public ear. Mr. Poindexter has not visited the northern cities, in company with Mr. Webster or any one else; and Gen. Root's misfortune in being upset in the stage and having his arm fractured, had as little connection with Mr. Webster as the editor of the Argus has with consistency and truth.

Governor Miller, in remarking upon the conduct of the apostate editor of the Enquirer, compared the occasional action of truth upon his press to the operation of galvanism upon a lifeless toad. This remark was forcibly brought to our recollection by an article in the Globe of Saturday, boasting of the economy of this administration!!

It gives a parallel between the disburse: ments of the navy department for three years of the last, and the three years of this administration, from which it would appear that there is a balance in favor of this administration of $527,486 67 cents per annum. Pitiable, indeed, must be the condition of the President, when his partisans are compelled to resort to the adininistration of that department for his justification! If there be merit there, to whom does it belong? Certainly to Gov. Branch, whom it has been the policy of the Executive favorites to destroy. We know not whether the sums given in the Globe be correct; for we see and know enough of Mr. Kendall's ability, to distrust whatever comes from his pen—but weadmit its truth, and congratulate the country up

on this symptom. This administration came in

to power as the advocates of economy and retrenchment; and this appeal to the only evidence of a desire to act out its principles, is a

proof that the public mind is awakening to the

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real condition of the country; and, those who have endeavored to make a sacrifice of the faithful officer who presided over that department, must be driven to the greatest extremity before they would resort to his works as their vindication—before they would hazard a comparison of the faithful service of those whom they have denounced, with the violated promises and prodigal expenditures of those whom they have eulogized. The attempt to hold Congress responsible for an excess of appropriations, will not do. Have the appropriations exceeded the estimates? Have not all the appropriations received the sanction of the President? What is more, have not those who have been most opposed to those excessive expenditures been denounced by the subsidized press as factious oppositionists. The true principle, then, to take the words of Mr. Mangum, ofthe Senate,is to hold the administra. tion responsible for the entire expenditures; and it will not do to test this administration by the last, because it came into power pledged to economy and retrenchment. We should test it by that of Mr. Munroe. How stands the account? The expenditures of this administration have been: , For the year 1829 - $12,669,490 62 For the year 1830 - 13,229,533 33 Fer the year1831(estimated)14,777,911 58

Making in 3 years - $40,676,935 53 The expenditures under the last administratration were, For the year 1825 - $11,490,460 04 For the year 1826 - 12,562,316.30 For the year 827 - . 12,653,095 65 -------Making in 3 years - $36,705,871 99 showing that this administration have expended, in three years, the sum of . . $3,971,063 54 more than the last adminis-, tration did in the same time. But the total expenditures under the adminis. tration of Mr. Monroe were, * . In 1821 - - - - $10,623,479 07 In 1822 - - - - 9,872,643-51 In 1823 . . . . 9,784,154 59 making the sum of - $30,280,276 17 which, deducted from the , sum expended in the three years of this administration, leaves a balance against the economy and retrenchment of this administration, of - - - $10,396,659 36 So much for the profession and practice of those now in power. But we are gratified to find,

In 1829 - - - $5,300,635 81 In 1830 - - - 5,399,391 35 In 1831 - - - , 5,963,638 75*

Making in three years $16,663,675 91 Under the last administration, they were: In 1825 - - - $4,384,620 62 In 1826 - - - 4,686,642 20 In 1827 - - - 4,699,602 76 Making, in three years,the sum of - - - $13,770,823 58 and leaving a balance ** this administration of" - $2,892,810 33 Under the administration of Mr. Monroe, they were: In 1822, - - - $3,686,888 89 In 1823, - - • 3,477,704 25 In 1824, - - - 3,770,927 75 Making, in three years, $10,935,512 89 Leaving a balance against the economy of this administration of o $9,728,152 02

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that they are brought back to the profession of Making the sum of $6,203,211 77

economy. We will put their especial claims
to another test. By the treasury reports, we
find that the expenditures of the war Depart.

Leaving a balance against this administration of $3,479 205 06

ment, deducting pensions under the present

administration, were,

* Last quarter estimated,

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