Abbildungen der Seite
[ocr errors][merged small]

A correspondent of the New York Daily Ad vertiser says:

“He denounces the House for arresting Mr. Houston—it has no power to do so—that it is a high handed act of aristocracy—aad that Mr. Sünberry has received nothing more than he deserved. He makes the proceedingt of the House a standing theme for declamation. A clergyman, a friend, and an acquaintance of his, lately visited him in company with a lady, and so strong were the President's expressions, that the clergyman felt bound to admonish him at his own house, or rather at the house of the nation, for the imprudence of his remarks. This is the man whom Mr. Jefferson said “one might as well make a sailor of a cock, or a soldier of a goosn, as a President of him.”

Will the Globe deny that this statement is substantially correct.


The Culpepper Gazette contains the follow ing notice, signed by Richard Field, Saml., A. Stortow, William Green, Jeremiah Strother, William Major, George Freeman, Henry Shac. kleford, William Hurt, W. J. Manifee, Martin Slaughter, and Daniel Brown, Jun.

.."NOTICE.-A Convention of Delegates will assemble at Charlottesville on the 12th day of June next, to nominate a ticket of electors pledged to support ANDREW JACKSON as President of the United States, and PHILIP P. BARBOUR as Vice President of the same, at the ensuing election. A meeting of the citi. zens of Culpepper, for the appointment of delegates to represent the county in the abovenamed Convention, will take place at the court house on the 1st day of the next (May) court.”


Weinser, to-lay, the report of the Senate’s committee on the apportionment of the Repre*ntatives of the several States. The indica. tons given out by the Globe, and the Albany Agus, would justify the supposition that the bill, as it passed the Senate, will not receive

* Executive sanction. If such should be its *, the question will assume much more imPortance than we have heretofore supposed; audit will become the duty of all to investigate and understand the principles involved in the report.

... Wehave been permitted to copy the follow.

[ocr errors]

“Dean Sin: By the same mail with this you will receive a Port Gibson Correspondent, which contains the proceedings of a meeting held in this place, on the 31st ultimo. It is hoped, Sir, you will find in them the consolation, that you are not deserted in Missi-sippi, nothwithstanding the recent attempts made by your personal enemies and dishonest politicians, to impose a belief on yourself and the public, that that very public censured your course. Although your enemies are active, and descend so far beneath the gentleman in the vileness and coarseness of the epithets which they em. ploy in censuring you; yet you may look with confidence to the support of the candid, the honest, and the sober-minded of all parties; and rely upon it, your services, and your capa. cities still for rendering them, will always receive in Mississippi the high appreciation which they deserve.”

Ma. WAN BUREN, MR. Ritch iE, AND "The TARIF or 1828.-It is really amusing to see the tricks and juggling by which Mr. Ritchie is attempting to palm his favorite upon the good and honest people of Virginia. He knows their deep aversion to the “bill of abominations,” which has impoverished the State. He knows that Mr. Van Buren supported that bill. The difficulty is to reconcile Virginia to a course so contradictory as the support of a man who supported the bill to which the people of that State are so grievously opposed. The cunning fox knows, that were he to undertake to excuse the tariff, he would but destroy the confidence which the people of Virginia so strangely repose in him. He takes precisely the opposite course, in order to maintain his told on them. He denounces the tariff in the strongest terms, and calls a rally to arms to put it down. But this would seem to be fatal to Mr. Van Buren, by whose management the tariff was fixed upon the country. . At this point he displays all his skill and adroitness. To cover his favorite, he asserts that he voted under instructions of the legislature of New York. The history of these instructions forms an interesting item in the political management of Mr. Ritchie's fa. vorite.

Mr. Wright, the present comptroller of New York, and the most influen'ial of Mr. Van Buren's partisans, was one of the committee who reported and carried the bill through the House of Representatives It was well understood that the whole matter was an effort to enlist the tariff with the presidential question, by the two parties who placed that question beyond all others; and each of these was desirous to throw upon the other the responsibility of defeating it. Besides these there were two other parties in the House; on: earnestly in favor of the increase of duties and the other decidedly opposed to it. It wo, j certained that the manufacturers were opposed to the project as matured by Mr. Wright, and

"8 otract from a letter, dated Port Gibson, as clearly understood that it that bill were sent

*18, 1832, widressed to the Hon. Mr. Poin.


to the Senate, it would be rejected by the aid of the votes of the New England Senators. It is remembered by all that the bill as it passed the House was most strenuously opposed by New England members, and it is this bill which Mr. Webster denominated the “bill of abominations.” Mr. Van Buren pledged himself to

event all amendments to the #. and pretended that the instructions of the N.Y. legislature were got up for that purpose. The bill was sent to the Senate on the 23:l of April, and on the 9th of May, 1828, “Mr. Van Buren presented resolutions of the legislature of New York, instruct. ing the Senators and requesting the Represen tatives from that State, in Congress, to use every proper exertion to effect such a revision of the tariff as will afford a sufficient protection to the growers of wool, hemp, and flax, and the manufacture of iron, woollens, and every other article, so far as the same may be connected with the interests of manufactures, agriculture, and commerce; and declaring, as the sense of the legislature, that the provisions of the woollens bill which passed the House of Representatives at the last session of Congress, whatever advan. tages they may have promised to the manufacturers of woollen goods, did not afford adequate encouragement to the agriculturist and the growers of wool.”

We have quoted from the Senate Journal, and it will be seen that the instructions were framed with a view to cover the bill which Mr. Wright, “by the advice and consent” of Mr. Van Buren and the party, had passed through the House. Mr. Van Buren had pledged himself to vote against the amendments, without which it was well known that Mr. Webster and his friends would assume the responsibility of rejecting the bill. Yet, by the violation of his pledge, he voted for the amendments, and after. wards for the bill itself. And yet Mr. Ritchie is prepared to sustain him for for Vice Presi. dent, and then for President.

But it will be seen that the instructions did not require Mr. Van Buren to vote for the bill as it passed. They bear upon their face the purpose for which they were got up, and the renort of the Secretary of the Treasury, is an. other link in the chain of deception, played off upon the south. It was not then, nor is it now, the interest or policy of Mr. Van Buren to quiet the country. All parties now admit that the act of 1828, was most unwise, even as a measure of protection. It has greatly increased the difficulty of an adjustment of the question, consequent upon the payment of the national debt; to the south is unjust and oppressive, while it was to the manufacturers themselves, illusory and ruinous. Mr. Van Buren, however, had an interest already established in the South. He had already secured Mr. Crawford and Mr. Ritchie, as his authorities, and relying upon their influence in denouncing Mr. Calhoun, he hoped to keep the south divided, whilst he would come in on the tariff interest as the favorite of the northern section, for he did not doubt that both Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams, would be laid aside by the Presidential election, then decided in the public opinion, in favor of General Jackson.

The report of Mr. McLane—the “judicious tariff” of the present-Executive is another step in this system of political management ; but it is too late—the eyes of the people are opened, and even the hypocritical Thomas Ritchie will be compelled to abjure the fraud. We are gravely told that the Secretary consulted intelligent gentlemen, north of the Potomac and in the State of Ohio ! And why did he not consult intelligent gentlemen south of the Potomac Was there no intelligence in Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, or Louisiana? Or were they all at the disposal of Thomas Ritchie Mr. McLane tells us why he did not consult them. They were to be bribed in, by a permission to buy negro cloth at a duty of ten per cent. How considerate the Secretary is, to take upon himself so great a responsibility ! How can we refuse to make Mr. Wan Buren President, after so great a concession Up with your cap, Mr. R.—huzza for Mr. Van Buren and his “judicious tariff.”

THE GLOBE AND M R. A. DAMS. The Globe of yesterday claims Mr. Adams as the advocate of the measures of the administration. Who could have believed that General Jackson would have purchased the eulogies of an insolvent partisan of Henry Clay, or that he would have been reduced to a dependance upon the support of John Q. Adams? So far from citing Mr. Adams's speech as a justification, General Jackson should read in in that speech his own condemnation. Mr. Adams did no more than insist for that construction of the powers of the Executive for which he himself had contended when in office, and which had been denied to him then, and to General Jackson now, by the Senate. . Who does not see that the object of the ex-President is to vindicate himself? It is a poor compliment, indeed, to Gen. Jackson, who promised to reform the abuses of the last administration, to find him resting on the precedents of that administration as an excuse for a violation of his pledges! But a word to Mr. Adams. Any one conver. sant with the principles of human action, must know that his chief solicitude is to counteract the effect which the late presidential canvass might have had on his reputation. For this purpose, he came into Congress, and it was early foreseen that he would not permithiunself to be considered as a partisan of Mr. Clay. By refus. ing to become a partisan of Mr. Clay, he may counteract, to some extent, the impression that there was an obligation, implied or expressed, to do so; by entering the lists in defence of the abuses of this administration, he can do no more than satisfy the public that we have gained but little in principle by the change; but he runs the risk of bringing upon himself a heavy responsibility for the abuses of both, without redeeming himself from the odium which justly a taches to the last. For ourselves, we were not disposed to consider him as a combatant, but he who enters the lists as a champion, must expect to be dealt with accordingly,

[ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]

Securtamr McLane vs. GEN. Jackson. Our correspondent, “Another Citizen of Delaware,” handles the amiable Secretary secundemarlem, and promises to furnish, other and further extracts from the writings of the Secre. tary; but what he now gives, shows how hollow and false is the pretension upon which General Jackson has made war upon his old friend, who defended him in the day and hour of trial against those enemies whom he now hugs to his bosom. Let the reader peruse the following extract from the pen of Mr. McLane, andlask himself why is it that this man is now the confidential and bosom friend of Andrew Jackson, while he is the sworn and bitter enemy of the Vice President. It speaks a volume and needs no Comment,

[blocks in formation]

Sin: The recent defence, by the Globe, of the political history of the Secretary of the Treasury, would seem to demand a passing notice. I shall, however, content myself for the present, with a brief retrospect of his character * Professions; and endeavor to substantiate my statement by a few passages from his own lutobtations, which appeared in the “Delaware Gazette,” in 1824. ..'To accomplish the objects of his ambition, it **nown and admitted in his native state, that * Louis McLane is not fastidious in the selecof his means. With party principles hangigloosely about him, and a subservient press *::clusively at his command, he availed himself * his advantageous position in the House of *Presentatives, in 1824, to inculcate upon his *ituents such doctrines, as, in his opinion, would best promote his own aspiring views Regardless of former sentiments, and of former shends, this “Federalist of the old School” Permitted no one to escape the censure of his Goette, who hesitated unconditionally to sub* to unprincipled plans for his elevation. Hence, by referring to a file of the Delaware Gazette, which I shall embrace the earliest opPortunity to transmit to the office of the Telegraph, you will find denouncing Mr. Adams for *Postatizing from the federal party, and, at the *me time, advocating the democratic caucus

nomination of 1824! At this period, contrary to his usual custom of employing the editorial department of his paper, Mr. McLane addressed to the members of the Legislature three letters under the signature of “A Citizen of Delaware” in relation to the then approaching election of a President of the United States. It has never been doubted, or denied, that he is the author of those letters. And the friends of Mr. Crawford, at the time, were exceedingly active in giving currency to the fact; for they expected much from the authority of his name. Their expectations were realized; and although the Assembly of Delaware was not in favor of Mr. Crawford, yet two electors were chosen favorable to him. I shall not here enlarge upon the extraordinary measures adopted to effect this cbject; but will barely remark, that they are unbecoming the character of a high-minded and upright politician. Mr. McLane's preference of Mr. Crawford over Gen. Jackson, for the Presidency, was not merely because Mr. C. was his especial favorite, but that the General was utterly unfit for the exalted station. Indeed, if sincere in his protestations, as set forth in the following extract from one of his letters, signed “a Citizen of Delaware,” Mr. McLane cannot now believe General Jackson qualified for civil rule. Here it 18. “It is presumed, however, that the federalists of Delaware, in selecting a Chief Magistrate for this great republic, will deem vi tue and morality necessary ingredients in his character.— They will not elevate to that distinguished place a military despot, who deliberately be. lieves he has authority to hang distinguished citizens of the United States under a military law, applicable only to foreigners, and who has actually shot six militia men WITHOUT TRIAL!” This grave and solemn address by Mr. McLane to the Legislature of Delaware, must have proceeded from the deliberate conviction of his heart; or he must have attempted to prac. tice an unworthy delusion upon the members of that Legislature. . His friends may choose for him the horn of the dilemma. Again, we extract from the Delaware Gazette, of January, 1824: “A reference to the conduct of the General in the cause of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, ma serve to show in what estimation H E holds the decision of a court martial, as well as the of. ficers of our civil court, WHEN THEY COME IN CONTACT witH HIS PURPOSEs, and that the failure of such a tribunal to give sentence against an object of displeasure, is No PREVEN TATIVE AGAINST THEIR PU. NISH MENT, when General Jackson possesses the power, and entertains a wish to inflict it.” The fact is well known to the citizens of Delaware, that the pliant successor to the late talented editor of the Baltimore Republican, Mr. Wilson, was then, as he is now, the mere nouthpiece of Mr. McLane; that nothing of a political bearing, either editorial or otherwise,

appeared in the “Gazette” without the direc:

[ocr errors]



tion or approbation of Mr. McLane, and that its Editor was notoriously incompetent to conduct the paper unaided by auxiliary advice. The Baltimore Republican, of which Mr. Harker is now the ostensible Editor, is become the organ of the Treasury Department, and, as in duty bound, will adopt or reject the policy of the hour with a single eye to the future advance. ment of its immediate patron. On this subject you may hear from me again; but, in the mean time, I expect the allegation. Mr. McLane, the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, is the author of the letters signed “A Citizen of Delaware,” and published in the “Delaware Gazette” in 1824, and challenge an authorised denial of the charge. At my leisure I may furnish you with additional extracts from those precious epithets, and call upon the people of the country to decide whether Gen eral Jackson has frankly avowed the cause of his personal difference with Mr. Calhoun; whether it be possible that he can impart his entire confidence and affection to a man who, he has reason to know, has entertained and expressed opinions of him like those contained in the letters of “A Citizen of Delaware;” and yet find abundant grounds for his implacable resentment against Mr. Calhoun for a manly difference of opinion in the construction of a military order. Credal Judeas appella, &c. ANOTHER citizen of DELAwarE.

FOR THE UNITED states Telegraph.

Governor Poindexter's letter to his constituents.

This document having attracted general notice, and obtained a wide circulation throughout the Union, has been subjected in the Globe to a criticism which deserves to be corrected. So far as they deal in “surmise and general abuse,” of the honorable Senator whose letter has thrown the kitchen cabinet into hysterics, their offspring merits and receives his unmingled contempt. They assume to speak for the President, and labor to create a belief that the materials of which the article is composed, throughout all its ramifications, is drawn from his resources. We take the occasion to admonish those who abuse his name and influence, that, although they can, without a blush, calumniate and denounce the friends who sustained his cause in the hour of adversity, and cast their hopes on the successful issue of the great struggle which brought him into power, he ought to be cautious how he indulges in the repetition of State calumnies, repudiated under his own signature; first invented for the common purpose of party strife, and consigned to the tomb of oblivion by the indignant voice of the people on whom they were designed to operate:

Who could have believed when 'General Jackson was elevsted to the Executive Chair, that he would have used his vast patronage to corrupt the press, and to purchase an insolvent from the ranks of his rival, whose journal is almost exclusively appropriated to the fulmination of opprobrious epithets, and unmeasured abuse of the members of both Houses of the

of all those distinguished patriotic men who stood in the breach, and nobly defended his fame, there is not one who does not hang his head in grief and disappointment, when,he hears repeated from the lips of the President, and finds in the columns of the Globe, the indecent and unbecoming language which is applied to every Senator and Representative who dares to act on the independent convictions of his own mind, The offensive and indecorous terms, “slanderous”—“drunken Senate”—“corrupt coalition”—and the like, are said to be daily uttered by the Chief Magistrate of the nation, while speaking of that body; and both Houses of Congress are, with as little ceremony or respect, denounced as a 'school for scandal, “and as being no longer a deliberative legislative body.” The elements of social intercourse are annihilated, and the law of force and personal violence is openly recommended as necessary to check the freedom of debate, and to protect speculation and fraud on the national treasury from exposure and merited reprehension, a “hickory” club for each House, with appropriate labels, deposited with the doorkeeper, to be used “five or six times” to punish refactory members, is given out as the mode of effectually “reforming” the wicked practice of scrutinizing the measures of his administration, and of testing the purity of those who constitute, the elite of his corps of letter writers and gladiators. This, at a distance, may sound like fiction, because of its novelty and reckless daring, but here every one must see and know toat, substantially, it can be demonstrated to the satisfaction of an honest jury in a court of justice. Such is the attitude assumed by the Executive, in his relations with the Senators and Representatives of the people, and the evi. dent object of the “official paper,” is to lessen their influence among their constituents, to guard the popularity of Gen. Jackson against truths which they may deem it their duty to communicate to the people in the recess of Congress. - - Pursuing this object with unceasing vigi: lance, the whole machinery of a pension press is put in motion from Maine to Mississio pi, to cry down every man, however pure his character and conduct, who is unwilling, like * fawning mastiff, to wear a collar on which is inscribed the name of his owner. The Sena: tor from Mississippi, whose mind could not be brought to this state of subserviency, either by flattery or menace, is destined to encounter the revilings and denunciations which can be poured forth on him by the mouthpiece of the President. We know full well with what ineffable scorn and contempt he contemplates the impotent efforts which are now making to distort his political conduct, and to bring on him the censure of the State, whose interest: he represents with a “lofty bearing,” which excites the malignant envy of the palace, while it commands the approbation of the candid, enlightened then of all parties.

national Legislature? We venture to say that,


each State. As


The spirit and ability displayed by this Representative of Pennsylvania, in the proceed." ing before Congress relative to Gen. Houston, has called forth commendations from his fellow citizens of all political complexions in his native State; indeed our exchange papers, tha have undertaken to speak on the subject, are unanimous in that way, Mr. Coulter, on this occasion, has by no means exceeded the exPectations of those who know him as an able and searless man, calculated to serve his country in a crisis, rather than bustle when the ele. ments are calm, and compile speeches with a ** to his own political advancement.—Har

riburg Chronicle. •= CONGRESSIONAL.

Tavasbar, April 26, 1832.

portrait of Gen. Washington, if it can be had on reasonable terms. Mr. Dallas, from the Committee on Military Affairs, to which the petition on the subject had been referred, reported a bill for the relief of the representatives of the late General William McPherson, which was read and ordered to a second reading. Mr. Dallas presented a memorial of the legislature of Pennsylvania, praying legislative interference in behalf of the Cherokee Indians. The apportionment bill was taken up, and after a few remarks from Mr. Poi No oxten, read the second time and passed. The Senate, at an early hour, went into the consideration of Executive business, and sat with closed doors until its adjournment.



In the Senate, yesterday, after the usual oming's business, the general appropriation blood the bill for vaccinating the indians, **erally read the third time and passed. 0nmotion of Mr. Webster, the bill for the apPotoment of the representatives among the ***es, according to the 5th censis, as **ed by the select committee to which it had been relemed, was on up for considera*...*, Winston, after explaining and ad. *ating the amendment, proposed for the pur* of tying the principle to take the questo the amendment without filling the ***ing the number of member of the House, and the number of Representatives to tersome remarks from Messrs. Dallas, Curtos, Dickenson, and Hill, the question was taken on the amendment, and it Wood to yeas.22, nays 22, the vice Pre. ident giving the casting vote in the affirmative. * Hoo: then moved to fill the blank for the *or of members of the house with 21i. Mr. Curton named 256, and Mr. Websten ...i.ach gentleman supporting hismo. *With a few remarks. After a debate, the **taken, first on 256, the largest ornamed in theist, yeasio, hays 23, the *was then taken on Mr. wenstein's *to fill the blank with 251, and carried, **, nays 14. Mr. wenson then moved to fill the other blanks with the number of re*sentatives for each State, according to the *Ple asumed in the amendment. This motion having been carried, the bill was ordertd to a thirdreading, yeas 33, nays 20.


In the Senate, yesterday, Mr. Benton pre** memorial from a number of citizens of *gh, adverse to the renewal of the char. "ofthe Bank of the United States. The *morial was read, and, on motion of Mr. B., ordered to be printed. Mr. Fuelinghuysex *bmitted a resolution proposing an inquiry into the expediency of purchasing Peale's original


The hour of 12 o'clock, meridian, having ar.

rived— SAMUEL Houston, accompanied by his Counsel, was placed at the Bar of the House, and Mr. Cave Johnson, one of the members of the House from the State of Tennessee, was further examined, and testified as follows: Question by the accused.—Did Mr. Stanbery tell you that the statement of his remarks did not necessarily impute fraud to the accused? ..Answer.—He did not. Question by Mr. Hawes.—was or was not Gov. Houston very mild and decorous in his expression and conduct at the time he first presented the letter to you, and did you not think that he felt himself seriously aggrieved by the reflection contained in the speech and the man. ner of its publication before its time in debate, and the note appended to the speech as it appeared in the newspapers? Answer.—I did not observe any passion or feeling in relation to that matter on the part of Gov. Houston at any time until on my delivery to him of Mr. Stanbery's letter addressed to me. I certainly thought he felt himself aggrieved by the publication in the newspaper, but I do not remember he ever uttered in my presence any thing from which that impression was drawn. Question by . Mr. Vinto N.—When you delivered Mr. Stanbery's letter to Mr. H. did you inform him, Mr. Houston, that by your con. struction of the letter, he, Mr. S., insisted upon his privilege as a member of the House of Representatives. - :Answer.--I informed Governor H. of the difficulties that I had in the first place, as to the construction of the letter. I also informed him of the consultation I had had with a mem. ber of the House, in relation to the construction, and of the construction which I and my friend had corne as to the meaning of the letter, which induced him, at the conclusion of our conver. sation, to thank me for what I had done; and he said I had acted correctly.

« ZurückWeiter »